South Africa has transferred about $200 million to Zimbabwe’s power-sharing government.
According to the government information services international relations and cooperation director general Ayanda Ntsaluba said the South African government managed to secure $300 million in budget support from its neighbours to reviving Zimbabwe’s economy.
"This grant is aimed at assisting Zimbabwe in some of the critical sectors that require assistance," explained Nstuluba, adding that a report indicates that the money was used towards the improvement of the lives of ordinary Zimbabweans.
Zimbabwe's new power-sharing government secured the $300 million in budget support from its neighbours to revive the country's economy in April this year.
Negotiations between the neighboring countries, including South Africa and Botswana, had been wrapped up earlier on after Zimbabwe’s political parties formed a government of national unity.
Botswana alone donated $70 million.
The southern Africa region is also finalising discussions around credit lines for Zimbabwe which from years of misrule by long time ruler Robert Mugabe has been reduced to a basket case, with disease, starvation, violence becoming the order of the day.
Britain has pledged more than $21 million in humanitarian aid to Zimbabwe, which is estimated to benefit three million people by way of food, seeds and fertilizer.
Friday, July 31, 2009
SA transfers US$200 million to Zimbabwe
The fat of the land
While pay demands and service delivery protests cripple South Africa, government leaders are still receiving luxurious perks.
In addition to salaries ranging from R2,04-million for the president to R692 085 for an MP, political office-bearers receive a range of benefits such as medical aid, housing, luxury travel and fancy cars.
Last week the Democratic Alliance wrote to Vusi Mavimbela, the director general of the presidency, to request that some of these privileges be curtailed, especially the allocation for official vehicles, which the party wants reduced from R929 000 to R663 780 a vehicle.
Cabinet members and deputy ministers are entitled to two vehicles.
The DA also wants to revoke privileges such as free use of the Blue Train and VIP lounges at airports, as well as corporate credit cards for ministers’ expenses on official trips.
“We hope that the government will take these proposals seriously and will take the steps that are necessary to show that they, too, recognise the harsh economic realities that South Africa is confronting,” DA leader Helen Zille said in a statement.
Even former ministers and deputy ministers still enjoy up to 40 complimentary business-class domestic air tickets a year.
Newly appointed officials such as Basic Education Minister Angie Motshekga and Communications Minister Siphiwe Nyanda have been criticised for buying top-of-the-range vehicles.
Others, such as Finance Minister Pravin Gordhan, have opted for more modest vehicles, while Minister in the Presidency Collins Chabane still drives the Mercedes 4X4 that his predecessor left behind, and opted to get a Volkswagen for his Cape Town office. Cape Town mayor Dan Plato is still driving his Volkswagen Chico.
On Thursday, Chabane announced that ministers’ car allowances will be reconsidered as part of a review of government spending.
“Political office bearers have not broken any rules,” he said in connection with the ministerial purchases. But “recognising the sensitivity of the matter, Cabinet has established a ministerial task team to look at government spending in the context of the economic meltdown”.
The team will be made up of Chabane, Gordhan and Richard Baloyi, minister of public service and administration, and will “advise Cabinet on how matters of this nature can be handled”.
Benefits of high-profile service
Here are some of perks that parliamentarians enjoy:
President
- Annual salary: R2 040 780
- Corporate credit card
- State funeral with full military ceremonial honours
- Presidential guest house
- Full salary for life after leaving office
- Security for life after leaving office
- R1,3-million annual contribution to medical aid
- Free furnished accommodation in Cape Town and Pretoria
- Free cleaning and maintenance of these residences
- R3-million for two cars for Cape Town and Pretoria
- Daily allowance when travelling abroad for tips, room service, reading material and normal liquid refreshments
Deputy president
Ministers
- Annual salary: R1 561 223
- Rent-free house in either Cape Town or Pretoria
- Domestic worker
- Corporate credit card
- Two official cars in Cape Town and Pretoria to the value of R1-million each
- Free government transport for spouses and dependants
- 30 business-class tickets annually for minister and spouse for discretionary use
- First-class international travel for official trips
- Six economy-class tickets annually for children
- Spouses can travel on official trips and enjoy same benefits as ministers
- Use of South African Air Force aircraft
- Free travel on the Blue Train
- Use of VIP lounges at airports
- Private office with 10 staff members including four secretaries
- Official funeral
- Security worth R100 000 a year at private residences
- Free telephone and internet services
Deputy ministers
- Annual salary: R1 285 700
- State-sponsored house in either Cape Town or Pretoria
- Domestic worker
- Two official cars in Cape Town and Pretoria to the value of R1-million each
- Free government transport for spouses and dependants
- 30 business-class tickets for minister and spouse
- Six economy-class tickets for children
- Spouse may come along on official trips
- Use of South African Air Force aircraft
- Free travel on the Blue Train
- Use of VIP lounges at airports
- Official funeral
- Corporate credit card
- Private office with six staff members including two secretaries
Members of Parliament
Mercs 'a steal at reduced prices'
Free State Premier Ace Magashule and his ministers have become the latest members of government’s WaBenzi club after R11-million was splurged on new Mercedes-Benzes for the entire provincial cabinet, write Mandy Rossouw and Adriaan Basson.
The revelation comes after a number of national ministers have had to explain their weakness for luxury vehicles in recent weeks.
Topping the list was Communications Minister Siphiwe Nyanda, whose department spent R2,4-million on two top-of-the-range BMWs for his Cape Town and Pretoria offices.
But Magashule has overtaken Nyanda as driver of the most expensive German sedan used by a South African politician. At a “discounted price” of R1,3-million, his Mercedes-Benz S600 eclipses Nyanda’s BMW 750i. Nyanda’s BM, which boasts extras such as body-roll stabilisation, electric sun blinds and high-gloss satin chrome, was a steal at R1,27-million.
Magashule’s car makes Finance Minister Pravin Gordhan’s official vehicles -- an Audi A6 and Lexus GS300 at less than R600 000 each -- look frugal.
The Merc S600 is the manufacturer’s flagship model and is designed to create “maximum comfort and safety” for both driver and passengers.
The fully imported vehicle includes radar sensors that read road conditions, driving style and vehicle load. Passengers enjoy a gentle back massage that stimulates the back muscles, assists blood circulation and helps to prevent fatigue after a hard
day’s work.
The premier’s driver need not take his eyes off the road when he wants to change the radio station, CD or DVD that is fitted for passengers in the back seat, as these can all be operated from the steering wheel. The car is also fitted with its own telephone.
In response to the Mail & Guardian’s questions, Teboho Sikisi, Magashule’s spokesperson, said the Free State government garage had bought the vehicles after an analysis of the most cost-effective way to transport MECs [provincial ministers].
According to him, ministers in former premier Beatrice Marshoff’s cabinet either drove their own cars and claimed exorbitant amounts for mileage each month, or their official vehicles exceeded the limit of 120 000km for public office-bearers.
“Our analysis indicated that in the event that MECs used their own vehicles for official duties, their respective departments were paying between R30 000 and R45 000 a month on kilometres claimed, or between R3-million and R4-million per annum. This was very costly and unsustainable,” Sikisi said.
The 11 Mercedes-Benzes were purchased as part of the Free State’s “asset base” and not for individual MECs. “The market value of each S500 is R1,3-million, but we got each for R970 000, representing a 40% discount. The market value of the S600 is R1,7-million and we got it at a discounted price of R1,3-million,” Sikisi said. “This, by any standard, is a good investment, since these vehicles constitute an asset base for the provincial government.”
According to Sikisi the same arrangement is made for judges “and other VIPs” who are “clients” of the provincial government garage fleet.
Through Sikisi, Magashule also defended spending R7-million on a function to mark the opening of the Free State legislature in June. “Given the nature of the event, the costs are justifiable and are normal compared with events of this nature and magnitude,” he said.
Idle minds, social time bomb
Nearly three million of the 6,7-million young South Africans in the 18-to-24-year age group were unemployed or not receiving education and training in 2007 -- and they pose a threat of “serious social disruption”.
These facts have been revealed by research funded by the Ford Foundation and undertaken by the Cape-based Centre for Higher Education Transformation and the University of the Western Cape’s (UWC) Further Education and Training Institute.
Youthful protesters have been central to the current wave of service-delivery unrest, notably in the East Rand township of Thokoza.
Conducted last year using Statistics South Africa’s 2007 Community Survey and education department statistics, the study, “Responding to the educational needs of post-school youth”, says that of the 2,8-million who were unemployed and not in education institutions, 44% are African and 41% coloured.”
Reasons for young people not being in education or jobs include:
- Lack of a diverse post-school public or private college sector;
- Reduction in educational opportunities because of institutional mergers;
- Failure of the sector education and training authorities to provide adequate learnerships;
- Less labour market absorption because the government is not meeting the Asgisa target of 6% annual economic growth; and
- The uncontrolled introduction of more than two million relatively well-educated foreign workers into the labour market.
John Butler-Adam of the Ford Foundation speculated that most idle youngsters are “at home, or wandering the streets, or both. Joining gangs will be an option -- a social security blanket” -- and crime is an option.
“They could be a social time bomb and could start taking social action. They are a lost generation and need to be found,” he said, referring to recent looting by beleaguered unemployed people at a protest in Durban.
The study examined attendance at educational institutions in the 18-to-24-year age group for 1996, 2001 and 2007. While South Africa’s population grew and more learners were studying, in real terms there was a decline in the number attending educational institutions.
While 46% of 21-year-olds were studying in 1996, this dropped to 36% in 2001 and 32% in 2007. At the same time, the number of learners in secondary schools has grown.
In 2007, 508 600 youths had not reached grade 10; and almost a million left school after completing grade 10.
“This is not only an enormous waste of educational resources, but it is also the group that seems the most vulnerable to unemployment,” the study points out.
They warn that “the decrease in participation [in educational institutions] for the 18-to-24-year age group severely affects the life opportunities of young people”.
Butler-Adam believes learners could be dropping out before reaching grade 10 for financial reasons, or because they are “frustrated that schools are not serving them well and could drop out, ” he said.
Pointing out that the number of unemployed youths not receiving education or training has increased since 2007, he warns that the number will continue to grow each year as young people leave school without completing grade 12, grade 12 leavers fail to find jobs or gain access to universities and university students drop out.
The report of the study argues for the expansion of educational and training and internship opportunities and special youth-service programmes. In particular it recommends that the existing Further Education and Training (FET) vocational college sector be enlarged and strengthened.
One option is for some FET colleges to be franchised by universities to offer programmes and award credits towards university degrees.
Seamus Needham of the University of the Western Cape said public FET colleges are running three-year programmes, but learners needed to earn an income.
“It’s not a realistic option,” he said, adding that shorter courses are needed.
Butler-Adam agreed that a wider range of educational institutions is required to absorb the youth. But he said: “We can’t afford to continue like this. We need people with skills, who pay taxes and strengthen and enrich society.”
Thursday, July 30, 2009
While fatcat politicians splurge on luxuries ...
Black politicians deserve to live in luxury and to be treated like billionaires, because it sends a message that their subjects are worthwhile people. Only white people really moan about black politicians' expensive habits, because deep down they feel only white people should be entitled to such privilege.
How am I doing so far? Wait, there's more. For decades of apartheid and centuries of colonialism whites took it for granted that they should live like kings. Well, white rule was overthrown by the revolution of 1994, and now it is the turn of black people to enjoy the fat of the land. To deny them that is to desire a return to the era of apartheid.
It sounds obscene if you put all these excuses for the vulgar materialist excesses of the ruling fatcat politicians and public servants in one place.
But I have heard these excuses and versions of them many times from the likes of ANC Youth League jokers, Luthuli House apparatchiks, ANC-aligned intellectuals, BEE beneficiaries, journalists and columnists in the pockets of ANC millionaires and even from propagandists of the Communist Party.
But I've been around the block a few times. I've heard many variations of these excuses before, uttered in defence of the politician thieves of the old Zaire, Angola, Nigeria and Equatorial Guinea.
I have also heard accusations that whites don't criticise the American or European politicians who also get paid vast amounts of money and live in luxury, they only criticise African leaders.
Having considered all these excuses properly, I still want to make a few remarks about the way the present government and ruling party are flashing their ultra-luxurious lifestyles, homes, cars, clothes and parties in the faces of millions struggling to feed themselves and their children and put a roof over their heads. And yes, I am classified as a white person.
It is my considered opinion that if the president of the ruling party and the country, Jacob Zuma, was indeed serious about his concern for the welfare of ordinary South Africans, he would not have allowed the presidential residence in Durban to be renovated at a price of R150 million; he would have scaled down the cavalcade of expensive new 4x4s and luxury sedans accompanying him wherever he goes from in the 30s to four or five; and he would have slashed his own lavish expenditure on inaugurations, official receptions and parties.
Instead, Zuma asks for more patience from service delivery protesters and striking workers, saying it is unfair to criticise the new administration as it is still finding its feet.
No, Mr President, it is unfair of you to ask workers and the unemployed to be patient while you and your party and your ministers and senior public servants spend tens of millions on extravagant luxuries.
While your comrades in government, including those from Cosatu and the Communist Party, buy the most expensive cars and live it up like royalty, the number of citizens who have given up looking for work has risen to 1.52 million - that is on top of the 4.13 million people registered as unemployed.
That means a minimum of 5.65 million South Africans who are potential breadwinners no longer have a regular income. That translates to many, many millions of people when one takes these people's families into account.
How do you, Mr President, and your comrades sleep at night when you look at these figures?
Just this week the Minister of Water and Environmental Affairs declared six district municipalities in the Eastern Cape disaster areas due to "ailing water and sewerage infrastructure".
These areas include the birthplaces of national icons Oliver Tambo and Nelson Mandela. The municipalities are not a lot worse off than many others.
Do you close your ears when people tell you these things, Mr President? Do you quickly turn the page when newspapers report on them?
If you reject my criticism because I'm white, let me tell you what one of Africa's leaders of the past, President Thomas Sankara of Burkina Faso, said more than 20 years ago in Ouagadougou.
Sankara said the problem with Africa was that Africans had gained formal political power but their minds were still colonised. They were Africans but really wanted to be like their former colonial masters. Too many Africans suffered from self-loathing, he said.
They are in perpetual conflict: they know and honour their own culture and ancestors, but part of them agrees with the European view that perhaps these are inferior and primitive. That was Sankara's take on why so many African leaders were "bathing themselves in gold".
By the way, President Sankara's official presidential car was an ancient Peugeot 404 with a cracked windscreen.
Zuma's political honeymoon over
If Winston Churchill was to be believed, he did not in fact say of Clement Attlee: "An empty taxi drew up outside No 10 Downing Street, and when the door opened, Attlee got out." But the whiff of the man who wasn't there has clung to certain political leaders throughout time. We just didn't expect it to emanate from the South African president, Jacob Zuma.
During this year's election campaign, Zuma's shiny pate was everywhere on placards tied to lampposts in city streets and the remotest rural village.
You couldn't switch on a television without seeing the swivelling hips and hearing his "Umshini wami" (Bring me my machinegun). Whereas the former president Thabo Mbeki was an aloof, out-of-touch philosopher king, we were told, Zuma was a massive presence in every sense, a Zulu warrior king so in touch with the people he had already married four of them.
But the political honeymoon has rapidly slipped into a winter of discontent. Doctors, miners, train drivers and workers in the chemical, construction, energy, paper, printing, retail and state broadcasting sectors have downed tools. More than half a million working days were lost due to strikes in the first half of this year, more than twice that in the same period in 2008. Residents have been warned to expect power cuts at home, no buses or trains to get to work and streets piled high with rubbish.
The flexing of trade union muscles is coinciding with unrest in South Africa's impoverished townships that has turned violent. The air has filled with clouds of teargas, the whizz of rubber bullets and the acrid smoke of burning tyres, while buildings and vehicles have been set ablaze. Their patience exhausted after 15 years of promises following the end of apartheid, some who still lack electricity, water or a functioning toilet are even calling for the return of white minority rule.
Where, then, is the president at this moment of national crisis? It is perhaps unfortunate that on the front page of the latest issue of the City Press newspaper, he is pictured grinning broadly and dancing while a banner headline reads: "The week South Africa burned."
On Wednesday, as youths fought running battles with police in Siyathemba township (near Johannesburg), jobless people marched and looted shops in Durban, and residents of Pilisi Farm informal settlement barricaded a highway with burning tyres and stoned passing cars, Zuma was at the Union Buildings with Sir Richard Branson. It was not, in fairness, a publicity stunt for the tireless entrepreneur's Virgin Atlantic, but rather the joint announcement of a disease control centre for South Africa.
At the press conference, however, Zuma refused to answer questions about the service delivery protests. It was an own goal that allowed the opposition Democratic Alliance to accuse him of being "detached" and showing an "uncaring attitude and unwillingness to tackle the issue head on".
A day later, as TV crews descended on the townships, Zuma missed the politician's trick of a walkabout to show he was feeling the pain. Instead he was in Sandton, the richest square mile in Africa, addressing a conference of well-heeled black businessmen. At last, he spoke about the demonstrations, but in the view of many, it was too little too late.
The Citizen newspaper noted: "Reading a prepared speech to a well-fed audience at a gathering of the Confederation of Black Business Organisations in Sandton's plush convention centre is not the ideal way to calm the storm. Impoverished, disaffected people enduring this bitter winter cold without adequate shelter, food or clothing will not have been impressed."
The Citizen added: "If Zuma must read a prepared speech he should do so on national TV, to all South Africans. Better still, he should throw away the speeches and go to the hotspots. Visit the aggrieved and tell them how government will help."
Like George Bush, Zuma was a regular guy who appealed to the heartland but, like Bush during Hurricane Katrina, the populist touch appears to have deserted him. On Saturday he began, at a poorly attended rally, a two-month tour of South Africa to thank voters for putting the African National Congress in power once again. His opponents argue he would be far better advised to use this time visiting townships where shack dwellers huddle around paraffin stoves, water drips from communal taps while sewers overflow, and violent crime and vigilantism are rife.
But there are some seasoned watchers who believe Zuma is merely a figurehead and not really in charge at all. They say that the true centre of power has shifted to the ANC headquarters and its secretary-general, Gwede Mantashe. By summoning cabinet ministers to account for their implementation of ANC policy, he has been accused of blurring the line between party and state.
Mantashe is also national chairperson of the South African Communist party.
Is it possible that the power behind the throne of a G20 nation is a commie? It must be said that the ANC comrades tend to practise communism-lite. But when Mantashe gave a lecture recently at Johannesburg's Wits University, I asked him if he would describe himself as a Marxist.
"I would not describe myself as a Marxist," he replied. "I am a Marxist."
He added that he has no better conceptual tools with which to understand the world. It is conceivable then that, if Zuma continues to fiddle while the townships burn, South Africa's fate may yet depend on the prescription of Das Kapital.
All Colours of the Rainbow
After a fourth ANC victory in South African elections earlier this year many both within the country and abroad are worried about the direction of the country under a new leader who, by virtue of allegations of corruption, inspires little confidence. How will South Africa find its way on a road to prosperity in these difficult economic times and will the country provide for the security of its citizens?
The ANC, amongst others, fought against Apartheid South Africa on the grounds that the regime’s laws were discriminatory. It discriminated against black and other non-white South Africans. Politically speaking, non-white South Africans were disenfranchised. They were forbidden by law from participating in a political system that nevertheless passed laws they were bound to adhere to. The ANC claimed to represent the disenfranchised black majority in its apposition to Apartheid or what it labeled as its liberation movement.
At its inception the ANC was narrowly focused on the interests of black South Africans. Its membership was closed to others and the colour black on its flag was symbolic of black South Africans. Its political objective was to overthrow a government representing a minority, and replace it with one representing the majority. It defined itself along ethnic grounds just as its political opposition in power. The ANC’s own moral justification was founded upon its claim to represent the majority of South Africans and opposition to discrimination against that majority.
The thinking of the ANC at its founding has a direct link to the present day as South Africa’s political elite understand that their political mandate is derived from their electoral majorities. This mandate is indeed legally correct, but the constitution also constrains the majority through protecting the rights of minorities. Therefore, if the ANC only pursue the interests of its voters then it is potentially no different from those previously in power, with the exception that the ANC represents the majority rather than the minority. This resembles a majoritarian view of democracy – one where a political party gaining a majority of votes may do as it pleases as regards the entirety of society.
There are upsetting signs that the ANC is verging ever closer to a majoritarian view of South African democracy. Earlier this year the ANC opposed a court application seeking voting rights for some 2-million expats at South Africa‘s foreign legations and Zuma recently blasted the conduct of the judiciary and questioned the supremacy of the Constitutional Court as the highest court in the land, saying it "is not God". He also accused Deputy Chief Justice Dikgang Moseneke of declaring war on the ANC, and criticised other judges who, coincidentally, ruled against him in his corruption court appearances.
The South African constitution was constructed with the intention of it being the foundation of a modern, democratic society with equality before the law and, importantly, the protection of individual rights and a balance of power. The drafters of the constitution drew inspiration from other nations that had provided models of stable democracies.
Ideally, the new South African constitution would provide for a genuine representative democracy but alas it does not. Take for example the more than one million expatriate white South Africans. The ANC’s attempts to disenfranchise them politically would be little more than a de jure addition to what is already de facto. Indeed those who have left South Africa have done so precisely because they are already politically disenfranchised. In interviews with those who have left South Africa reasons such as violent crime, discrimination in employment and a breakdown in government services are cited. When confronting the government with such issues, such concerns are casually dismissed as did former Safety and Security Minister Charles Nqakula when he proclaimed “They can continue to whinge until they're blue in the face, they can continue to be as negative as they want to or they can simply leave this country.” Well, in the absence of political representation that is what many are doing. Everyday citizens are willing to put up with significant levels of dissatisfaction if they believe that they will, through the power of their vote and personal action, enable change to occur in future. However, if that vote is essentially deemed worthless then dissatisfaction turns to despair.
A means to counter this despair would be a new arrangement of the balance of power in South Africa. When the current constitution was drawn up, there was a delineation of power between national government and the provinces. This is consistent with a federal structure like that of Germany, from whom the drafters of the South African constitution drew inspiration. However, if one looks closely, the two nations differ in important respects that impact on the effectiveness of their respective balances of power. Germany’s federal states have, in many cases, been forged by history with many named after peoples who were once governed independently such as Bavaria, Saxony, and Hessen. The federal structure of Germany which dates back to the Holy Roman Empire, was created to ensure a balance with no single people emerging to dominate others politically.
South Africa’s nine provinces, with the exception of KwaZulu-Natal, are largely artificial creations of convenience following the end of Apartheid. The provinces’ largely arbitrary boundaries contain a variety of different ethnic groups. South Africa’s demographic kaleidoscope resulting from migrations following the Zulu wars and British Imperialism has made it extremely difficult to delineate political boundaries along ethnic lines.
However, ethnicity matters in South Africa as it does elsewhere and it will be of vital importance to the future stability of South Africa that ethnic minorities not be marginalized politically. The balance of power between the central and provincial governments does not serve the purpose of minority representation in South Africa as it does elsewhere in successful multiethnic societies.
Switzerland is one such society that is multi-ethnic, multi-lingual and multi-confessional. The country has a German speaking majority, a strong French speaking- and smaller Italian and Romance speaking minorities. The country’s unity is unusually strong and contrasts starkly with societies like those of the former Yugoslavia which broke apart as a result of ethnic conflict. Switzerland is delineated politically into twenty-six cantons varying from a mere 15 thousand citizens in the smallest to 1.3 million in the largest. The boundaries were not created along arbitrary lines such as population or geographic size. The biggest canton comprises around seven thousand square kilometers with the smallest being a miniscule thirty-seven square kilometers. Instead the cantons are continuations of historic boundaries encompassing different communities.
Each canton enjoys almost equal representation, regardless of size, in the Council of States or Switzerland’s upper house of parliament. This ensures that no single community, even the fifteen thousand citizens of Appenzell, lacks representation at the highest levels of federal government, whose power is itself limited in Switzerland’s confederate system. Cantons also send representatives to the lower house proportional to their number of citizens. This balance ensures an effective representation for all ethnic and cultural minorities and the evidence is centuries of peace and prosperity in Switzerland. The country consistently places amongst the top of rankings for both wealth per capita and quality of life.
South Africa enjoys far greater diversity than Switzerland. But despite the now clichéd pronouncements of a “Rainbow Nation” there are no genuine political safeguards for South Africa’s various minorities. Instead we only witness claims by populist ANC leaders to mandates derived from simple majorities. The over one million South African expats number more than a quarter of Switzerland’s entire population and yet they, and many others within South Africa, find themselves without representation.
South Africa needs to move beyond a simplistic majoritarian view of democracy and instead live up to its claims of being a Rainbow Nation and actually accord genuine representation to all its minorities. Such a system could resemble that of Switzerland, with smaller communities, or newly created African cantons, electing representatives to an upper house. Given South Africa’s demographic situation, those cantons would not necessarily need to be territorially contiguous. The Zulus would be given equal representation in the upper house that the Sotho, Xhosa, Afrikaner or English speaker would enjoy. Areas of high diversity in a single area such as major metropolitan regions would simply remain multi-ethnic cantons such as are the larger cities in Switzerland. Such a representative system would balance the current lower house of parliament. A cantonal system, adapted to the demographic realities of South Africa, would require co-operation and consensus building amongst South Africa’s various communities. No-one would feel disenfranchised but rather empowered to better their local communities and in doing so the nation as a whole.
South Africa’s future as a successful multi-ethnic society holds enormous promise. But first, the ANC and others must abandon antiquated notions of simple majoritarianism which effectively translates to might is right and encourages the rise of populist leaders. Instead a re-balance of power needs to take place recognizing the legitimate and equal political rights of all minorities. The proven path to successful multi-ethnic nations is through a strong degree of equal minority representation. This may indeed be the only means towards building a peaceful, prosperous, and genuinely Rainbow Nation.
Could Switzerland's cantons be a model for South Africa?
THE SWISS CANTONAL SYSTEM
– A Model Democracy –
The concepts of devolution of power, local autonomy, and participatory democracy have produced the world's most peaceful and prosperous country. Of course, Switzerland, with its compulsory military service, state controlled monetary system, railroad and telephone services, and taxation, is not a pure libertarian society – but for those interested in reining in out-of-control governments in other parts of the world, there are large parts of the Swiss cantonal system that are worthy of emulation.
The word "democracy" is derived from the Greek words for people (demos) and power (kratos). Inherent in the concept is the idea that ordinary people should keep control of the decisions that effect their lives. In an ideal democracy, the power of those who govern is limited by safeguards that ensure that citizens can prevent their elected leaders from abusing their powers.
– Switzerland –The key to Swiss success is not to be found in natural resources (which are in extremely short supply); nor does it lie in the temperament of its 6.4 million people, who are essentially no different from the Germans, Italians and French in the remainder of Europe. It lies rather in Switzerland's political institutions, which ensure that ordinary citizens are involved in political decision-making, and that no one interest group is able to benefit unduly at the expense of another.
– A Three-Tier Federation –
Switzerland is small – about one quarter the size of the US State of Ohio – and it is divided into 26 areas called cantons. The cantons are comprised of approximately 3000 communes. A central or federal government links the cantons into one unified country, but this central government controls only those affairs which are of interest to all the cantons. These matters of common interest include foreign policy, national defense, federal railways and the mint. All other issues – education, labor, economic and welfare policies and so on – are determined by the governments of the cantons and communes. Each canton has its own parliament and constitution and they differ substantially from one another. The communes, which vary in size from a few hundred to more than a million people, also have their own legislative and executive councils. The cantonal and communal governments are elected by the citizens resident in their areas of jurisdiction.
– Advantages Of Decentralization –
Embraces Diversity. One important reason for this de-centralization of power in Switzerland is that, unlike most European countries, Switzerland is made up of several different major ethnic groups – Germans, French, Italians, and Rhaeto-Romansch. Over the centuries, whenever conflicts have arisen between these language groups, and between Catholics and Protestants, the Swiss have resolved the conflict by allowing each of the warring groups to govern themselves. Thus single cantons have divided into half-cantons, new cantons have been formed and border communes have opted to leave one canton to join another. In this way the Swiss have developed a system which permits people of different languages, cultures, religions and traditions to live together in peace and harmony. This makes the Swiss system particularly well suited to ethnically-divided countries.
Maximizes Competition Among Policies. Because so many decisions are made at the local level, the Swiss are closely involved with the laws and regulations which affect their lives – and because each canton is different, they are also able to see for themselves which policies work best. For example, one canton might have high taxes and expensive welfare programs, while another might opt for low taxes and private charity. Each Swiss citizen can then decide which policy suits him best and "vote with his feet" by moving to the canton which he finds the most attractive. The result is that good policies tend to drive out bad.
– Federal Government –
The national parliament consists of two houses: the popular house, which is elected by proportional representation under a system of free lists which allows all shades of political opinion to be expressed; and the Council of States, which has two representatives from each canton and one from each half-canton, is elected in most cases by a simple majority.
Four political parties dominate the central government. None has a clear majority in either house and they are all represented in the cabinet (the national executive). Instead of the adversarial system common to many democracies, Swiss political groups have to work together to achieve consensus. A different president is elected by members of the central government every year.
The federal government's jurisdiction is limited to those areas specified in the constitution. Once approved by both houses, new legislation is also subject to approval by the people in an optional referendum. The citizens have a six-month period during which a referendum can be called by any individual or group able to obtain 50,000 signatures on a petition. If the proposed legislation is rejected by a simple majority vote, it falls away.
– Constitutional Amendments –
Should the central government wish to pass legislation regarding matters not allowed by the constitution, a constitutional amendment is required. Consequently, much new legislation takes the form of amendments that can be proposed by the central government or by popular initiative. Any amendment proposed by the government must be approved by a simple majority of the people in a national referendum. All amendments require the approval of voters in a majority of the cantons.
Over the years, changes to the constitution have gradually increased the jurisdiction of the Swiss federal government. Of the 216 amendments proposed between 1874 and 1985, 111 were accepted by the voters and 105 were rejected. Of the 111 which were approved, eight were popular initiatives and 14 were counter-proposals (moderate variations on popular initiatives put together by parliament). In this way the Swiss have developed a body of legislation which suits their special needs and enjoys popular support. Public-interest groups play an important role at the national level because they are able to launch referenda to block legislation they oppose. Consequently the cabinet lobbies the interest groups instead of interest groups lobbying the government, as happens in most countries. This is one important way in which the people, and not the politicians control government in Switzerland.
– Government Finance –
The Swiss federal government has the sole right to coin money, issue bank notes, determine the monetary system and regulate exchange controls. This monopoly is exercised by the Swiss National Bank, which is more or less independent of state interference. It is opposed to financing public deficits, and maintains a slow rate of growth in the money supply. By federal law, bank notes issued must be covered by gold and short-term securities.
– Taxation And Spending –
The federal government, cantons and communities all levy their own taxes. Each level collects about one-third of total government revenues, which in all comprise approximately 26% of GNP. Most taxes are direct and low. The average Swiss citizen pays about 16% of his income in taxes, and average company taxes are about 20% of profits. Switzerland's national debt and inflation rate are low. Total government spending for all three levels has averaged only 22.6% of GNP since 1946, yet expenditure on welfare and education per capita is high. This is because government revenues are spent effectively rather than wasted on a bloated bureaucracy.
Switzerland has an efficient, well-equipped army to defend it from foreign invasion. Military service is universal and compulsory, and those who are unfit for combat duty serve in the most comprehensive civil defense program in Europe.
Army units are formed by men from the same canton, but defense is financed and controlled by the federal government. However, as with all other aspects of Swiss government, the ultimate control of the army rests with the people. Recently an initiative was launched to scrap the army. Although the majority voted in favor of keeping the army, around 45% supported the initiative, sending out a strong message that radical reforms were required.
– Direct Democracy –
Public representatives frequently abuse or overstep their mandates if there are no limits to their power. That is why the success of constitutional democracies depends on the existence of checks and balances. The Swiss experience indicates that possibly the most effective check of all is a thorough-going system of direct democracy.
The popular vote reflects public opinion accurately, ensures that elected representatives remain accountable, reduces the importance of party politics, focuses attention on specific issues, acts as a barometer of controversy, and encourages politicians to be fellow participants in the law-making process.
In Switzerland, not only is the right to challenge legislation and launch popular initiatives entrenched at the national level, but all cantons and large communes include the right to referendums and initiatives in their constitutions. Important decisions in small communes are commonly made by the citizens themselves at public meetings.
Direct democracy takes two main forms: the referendum is the process whereby the people accept or reject new laws, and the initiative is the process by which citizens can themselves propose new measures. There are two types of referendum in common use: the obligatory referendum which must be held on all proposed constitutional amendments, and the optional referendum which permits new laws to be put to the popular vote provided a number of citizens sign a petition requesting the vote. Any group that wishes to launch an initiative has a specified period of time in which to collect the requisite number of signatures.
Voting in Switzerland generally takes place at least four times a year, usually on Sundays. Voter turnout averages 35% but varies greatly, depending on the issue. Decisions made by popular ballot may not be overruled by the courts.
Good government is achieved when rulers are made accountable – and accountability is assured when ordinary citizens can participate in decisions, remove elected representatives who abuse their mandate, and repeal unpopular laws.
The Swiss system has served the ethnically diverse people of that country well for over 700 years. The rest of the world could learn from the example set in this mountain country and adopt similar systems of citizen-based government.
Frances Kendall is the author of "Heart of the Nation" and co-author, with Leon Louw, of "South Africa: The Solution" and "Let the People Govern," which studied the Swiss system. She is a former member of the Johannesburg City Council.
Wednesday, July 29, 2009
Taxpayers to foot the bill for wage demands of municipality workers
YOU – the ratepayer – are going to pay for the wage increase demands of municipality workers. R41Billion - That’s what it will cost every year to settle the strike and the poor may lose free water and electricity.
South African Local Government Association (Salga) executive director Mzwanele Yawa says the free supply of water and electricity to the poor will be reduced to fund the pay demands. 
Members of South African Municipality Workers Union (SAMWU) marched through the streets of Johannesburg during their wage strike.Along the way they trashed the streets.
The municipalities maintain they do not have enough funds to meet the strikers’ demands. 
“Municipalities, especially those that are struggling, could be forced to cut down on certain services,” Yawa said yesterday.
“It is unavoidable that communities will carry the burden of the latest offer, but we are also looking at possible solutions to minimise the impact.”
Municipal Workers Union march through the streets demanding a 15 percent wage increase.
They have threatened to intensify their protest action should Salga not meet their demands.
The 15 percent does not include other demands such as a R200000 housing subsidy and a 75 percent housing loan for a house worth R300000.
Yesterday, employers increased their offer to 13 percent, but the union was reluctant to accept it.
The employer is offering a new minimum wage of R3850 backdated to July 1 2009, and an additional 1,5 percent in January next year.
For the financial year 2011- 2012, an across-the-board increase based on CPI plus 2 percent will be effected.
ANC heavyweight Bheki Cele to take charge of SAPS
Newly-appointed South African national police commissioner Bheki Cele during a news conference in Pretoria, July 29, 2009
Bheki Cele
Controversial KwaZulu-Natal safey and security MEC Bheki Cele got too excited about the dropping of charges against ANC President Jacob Zuma.
Cele lambasted Desmond Tutu, saying the archbishop was not a “vice” Jesus Christ.
PEOPLE who have crossed Bheki Cele say he is a stubborn bully and has a passion for his party that borders on zealotry.
He’s been described as a township dandy and has a penchant for flashy clothes and Panama hats.
A teacher, guerrilla soldier in Angola and a Robben Island inmate, Cele first encountered Zuma in exile in Swaziland and is intensely loyal to him.
Cele was among a group of ANC members in KZN accused of plotting to make the province a no-go zone for Thabo Mbeki, a claim the group strenuously denied.
Recently Cele has been on the receiving end of scathing public criticism over his controversial statements defending the “abuse” of blue lights by ministerial convoys.
Newly appointed police commissioner Bheki Cele said he will be tough on criminals.
"You can't be soft and you can't be moving around kissing crime. You need to be tough because you're dealing with tough guys," he told reporters in Pretoria after President Jacob Zuma named him the national police commissioner on Wednesday.
Cele said he wanted to see South Africa become a country where young women and children could walk without fear of attack.
Known for his snazzy suits and stylish hats, Cele has a reputation as a ruthless crime-buster. He has caused controversy on several occasions by calling on police to adopt a “shoot-to-kill” policy against armed criminals.
He said he stood by his call for police to "shoot to kill". "The 1977 Criminal Act stipulates that police are allowed to use a deadly force when attacked," he said.
Zuma said Cele was appointed because, amongst others, he had managed to fight crime in KwaZulu-Natal, especially taxi violence and cash heists.
Cele will take up the position on 2 August.
Opposition critical of Cele appointment
Opposition parties said President Jacob Zuma had made a mistake in appointing a political ally with no professional crime-fighting experience as the new national police commissioner.
Bheki Cele's appointment "is nothing more than a political promotion for one of President Jacob Zuma's closest allies," Inkatha Freedom Party spokesman Velaphi Ndlovu said.
The Democratic Alliance said Zuma was repeating the mistake former president Thabo Mbeki made when he appointed Jackie Selebi "a close associate of his from the ANC's political ranks" as police commissioner.
"A decade later, President Zuma has done precisely the same thing," the DA's Dianne Kohler-Barnard said.
Cele, the KwaZulu-Natal MEC for transport and community and safety liaison, will replace Selebi nearly two years after the latter was first charged with corruption and defeating the ends of justice.
The DA and IFP said he lacked the skills and experience to become South Africa's top cop, while civil rights group AfriForum said it has pleaded in vain for Selebi not be "replaced by a redeployed ANC politician".
Unfortunately, this had now happened.
The IFP said Cele's appointment was "a serious blow for our fight against crime in South Africa because commissioner Cele does not possess the necessary experience and expertise that this high office requires".
"We were hopeful that government would do the right thing by appointing a career policeman or woman with a proven track record within the SAPS as South Africa's new police chief.
"But clearly our government is more interested in deploying loyal ANC cadres to top positions to serve the interests of the ruling party rather than serving the interests of all South Africans," said Ndlovu.
Cele's appointment boded ill for the new priority crime investigation unit, the Hawks, because it could not be politically independent.
"One thing is for certain now: the Hawks will never be able to emulate the Scorpions' success.
"By appointing a political head to take charge of the SAPS, the IFP believes that this new elite crime-fighting unit will be subjected to political manipulation on a regular basis and will operate in a vindictive manner against those perceived to be enemies of the ruling party," Ndlovu said.
Kohler-Barnard said while Cele's track record included no professional police experience, he had a history of unfortunate statements.
These included calling a man a racist for complaining after Cele's blue light escorts rushed him to a meeting at 160 kilometres an hour, and urging police to "shoot to kill", a remark which Cele defended today.
"The 1977 Criminal Act stipulates that police are allowed to use a deadly force when attacked," he told reporters.
See also New police chief due in court
Gauteng Online R3bn flop
Gauteng Online is still offline. A sample survey of schools around Gauteng has shown that the school computer project, which is costing taxpayers more than R3-billion, is beset by problems.
Launched eight years ago by then premier Mbhazima Shilowa, the project was meant to get Internet-run computer labs into every public school in the province.
At an estimated cost of R1-billion, the project failed dismally after five years, and the Gauteng Shared Service Centre (GSSC) tendered the project again in 2007.
The tender was awarded to a consortium, SMMT Online, which is run by one main member, Tebogo Mogashoa. The company was given R2bn over five years to get the failed project running.
Amid rumours of tender irregularities, the company made many promises, giving deadlines that have not yet been met.
The first deadline for the project to be in all schools was at the end of 2008. When that deadline came and went, the next date named was the end of February 2009. Again, the promise was not fulfilled.
The company's CEO, Mothibi Ramusi, promised the media that at least 50 schools a day would come online and SMMT would fulfil its deadlines of completing the project by the end of March.
Then, during a large summit held in Soweto at the beginning of April to explain delays, then GSSC CEO Mike Maile challenged the media to walk into any school and not see a computer lab.
"By the end of April I will challenge any media to walk into any school and not see a computer lab, except for schools that need a whole new lab built. The premier's mandate was that we finish this project by the end of the year, but we will complete it by April," Maile said.
The Star took up his challenge last week and polled more than 100 schools around Joburg. Eighty percent of them said they either had no Gauteng Online lab or had a lab that was not working.
The 20 percent that did have working labs reported frustration with the project, some saying they had no trained teacher to use the labs or that the labs have gone offline many times, and only repeated complaints got their labs working again.
At least 25 percent of the schools reported thefts after Gauteng Online labs had been installed, with many schools accusing the service providers of being behind the break-ins.
The department has never given consistent figures for the project.
- In February, during a media tour of its warehouse, SMMT Online said there were 1 200 existing labs and they were busy with the remaining 900.
- At the meeting in April, former premier Paul Mashatile said that by June every school would have a lab. "I am told that already 600 schools have been connected, and 1 000 in the past were connected and just need to be updated," he said.
- The GSSC said this week that 980 schools now had Gauteng Online labs, while 600 were currently online. Spokeswoman Khusela Sangoni said classrooms were being delivered on a daily basis.
Schools had a litany of complaints about the standard of the classrooms being built, with some complaining of electricity failures; walls falling down; doors locked and keys never handed over; failing air conditioners; and trenches dug but never filled.
One school told The Star that SMMT Online contractors came to their school a year ago and took over a classroom for the construction of a lab. They started by tearing up the tiles because they needed them to be grey.
"Except they ran out of grey tiles, so half the room had grey tiles and the other half had beige ones," said a teacher.
"Then they put up a dry wall and worked on the electricity. They messed that up, and two other classrooms were without power for months afterwards. They also wanted to put up a safe door. I asked them how they would do this, as it would collapse the dry wall. Besides, anyone could kick the wall in if they wanted to.
"Next, they said they needed to take out our air conditioners and put their own ones in. That was fine, except one man put his foot through the ceiling, and the whole thing fell down."
The teacher said they then decided to move the lab to a classroom upstairs, but didn't have a door for it. So, after hauling all the equipment upstairs, they had to bring it back down again until they could fit a door.
"They haven't been back in a month and we are all hoping that they will eventually go away... There was nobody project-managing the building. This is outsourced to different companies and nobody bothers to check on them."
Schools were so fed up with the project that many insisted they did not want it in their schools.
In May, Kathy Callaghan from the school governing body organisation Governors Alliance, which represents 384 schools in Gauteng, said they had told schools they did not have to accept the computers at their schools.
This comes just a month after Premier Nomvula Mokonyane promised in her inauguration speech that Gauteng Online would work.
Sangoni said there were project managers, and they were constantly assessing the project to see how quickly delivery was going.
Related - iWeek : Something fishy at the GSSC?
Tuesday, July 28, 2009
The Truth about Apartheid
The truth has been suppressed for long enough, it is time for the world to hear the other side of the story.
The South African economy in the 1960's experienced a growth rate of 6%, with an inflation rate of only 2% which stimulated economic growth across the racial spectrum. Unemployment across all races stood at only 4-5%.
Today, the country we call South Africa, the "NEW" South Africa, is but a mere depressing sight.
SA jobless rate at 23.6% in Q2
South Africa’s official jobless rate stood at 23,6% of the labour force in the second quarter of 2009, up slightly from 23,5% in the first quarter, a labour report showed on Tuesday.
In its latest quarterly Labour Force Survey, Statistics South Africa said the total number of unemployed people stood at 4,125 million in the second three months of this year.
Stats S.A. said the number of employed people fell by 267000 to 13,369 million.
Zuma explains he promised 500,000 knobs not jobs
In a rare public statement since taking office, reclusive president Jacob Zuma says he was misquoted on job creation, saying that he never promised half a million jobs by the end of the year but rather half a million knobs. He promised a speedy rollout of the knobs and has reportedly appointed Julius Malema as Chief Knob to oversee the knobbing programme.
Zuma's promise in early June that he would create 500,000 jobs in six months was met with surprise by economists and other people with Grade 4 educations who wondered how the President planned to defy the worst global recession since the 1980s.
However in early July Zuma appeared to be defying his critics as he created nine jobs, appointing three people to chaperone his wives to public events and six to wheel life-sized mannequins of himself back and forth in front of the Presidency windows to reassure voters that he was at work.
But in a dramatic about-face this morning the President explained that he had been misquoted, and that he had intended to roll out half a million knobs, not jobs.
"What this country needs is knobs," he said. "Millions and millions of knobs. This government has always been very clear on that."
He said that the new programme would bring dignity to millions of households that had to suffer the humiliation of pulling doors shut with pieces of wire or string.
"We will put knobs on everything," he vowed, describing how specially appointed Knobbing Cadres would weld knobs to buses, lampposts and all government buildings.
He added that any South African wishing to have a knob attached to anything could apply at their nearest Home Affairs office. He said that Home Affairs had extended their working hours and were now open from 11am until 11.25am on Tuesday mornings.
According to Zuma, the knobbing of South Africa would be overseen by the ANC Youth League's Julius Malema, who had been appointed as Chief Knob and would report directly to the Presidency about how many voters had been willingly or unwillingly knobbed every week.
"I cannot think of a more appropriate Chief Knob," said Zuma. "Can you?"
Assembled journalists agreed that they could not.
Asked when the government planned to start fulfilling its election promises, Zuma smiled for a long time and then began to sing and dance.
hayibo.com
Famous rhino brutally killed
Johannesburg - Toliwe, South Africa's best-known white rhino, and seen, amongst other things, in a Cell C commercial, has become the latest victim of poachers.
The carcass of the white rhino was found last weekend with six bullet wounds. Its horn had been sawn off only halfway.
Toliwe had been living in Mount Savannah, a nature reserve in the Cradle of Mankind for the past seven years.
Toliwe's owner, Rob Dickerson, said yesterday that the rhino was probably still alive while the poachers tried to saw off its horn. They probably got a fright and fled when a heavily wounded Toliwe tried to get up at some point, Dickerson said.
Willie Joubert, a co-owner of Mount Savannah, said Toliwe, which had a massive horn, bled to death over a period of "a few days". "It's terrible. It is very, very sad. We are all very shocked."
Joubert said Toliwe arrived at Mount Savannah from KwaZulu-Natal as a little calf about seven years ago and was reared by hand. It is uncertain what happened to its mother at the time.
Dickerson said Toliwe is the Zulu word for "a baby found in the veld".
"Toliwe was so tame that he would approach when he saw people or vehicles. He even allowed people to stroke him."
Two bullets
People flying over Mount Savannah in a light aircraft at the weekend spotted the carcass from the air and informed Joubert. The police forensic unit removed two bullets from Toliwe's carcass.
Besides the wounds from these two bullets there were also four other bullet wounds. Dickerson suspects that the poachers used a .234 rifle with a silencer to shoot Toliwe.
"I'm shattered," he said. He now also fears for the lives of his other three rhinos in the reserve.
Toliwe can still be seen in episodes of the TV programme Wild at Heart, which is being broadcast on the BBC channel.
Krugersdorp police station spokesperson Captain Jacob Raboroko has confirmed that a case has been opened in terms of stock theft legislation. He said the West Rand stock theft unit would be investigating the case.
No one has yet been arrested in connection with the incident.
This is the second rhino in a month to have been killed by poachers in the area. A white rhino was shot and killed in the Krugersdorp game reserve about a month ago.
Dickerson says there is a large reward - at least R20 000 from his own pocket - for anyone with information about the poachers.
- Beeld
Sunday, July 26, 2009
'Extravagant' education minister blasted
The two luxury official vehicles bought by the basic education minister cast doubt on her commitment to education and ability to prioritise, school governing bodies association Fedsas said on Thursday. See Education MP splurges R1,7m on luxury cars
Minister of Basic Education Angie Motshekga.
Thousands of children had no access to basic education due to a lack of transportation, but Angie Motshekga spent R1.6-million on her personal transportation, Federation of Governing Bodies of South African Schools (Fedsas) chief executive officer Paul Colditz said in a statement.
"This is clear evidence that government is not speaking the truth when referring to quality education."
He was reacting to reports about Motshekga's purchase of a Range Rover Sport TDV8 as her official vehicle in Pretoria, along with a BMW 730D for use in Cape Town, with taxpayers' money.
Colditz said this happened while Fedsas had to threaten Free State premier Ace Magashule with legal action to pay transfer fees to schools in the province earlier this year.
"Without this money, schools cannot cover their basic expenses."
In the Northern Cape schools had not received all the transfer fees for 2008.
"How are we to teach our children without water, electricity or paper? There are similar examples all over South Africa."
Colditz said the minister's actions made it difficult to trust her commitment to education.
"Children in rural areas have to walk kilometres in cold conditions because transport tenders were not awarded or routes were changed without consultation or insight. Of course she is entitled to transportation, but it is the extravagance thereof that is worrying," he said.
The organisation said the minister owes the public answers for her "apparent lack of prioritisation".
Fedsas is a voluntary association of school governing bodies of 1100 public schools.
Related - > Cut ministers allowances - DA
Saturday, July 25, 2009
Parts of SA-Zim border stolen
Large sections of the border security fence between South Africa and Zimbabwe have been stolen, the Democratic Alliance said on Friday.
"The SA Police Service appears to have given up protecting the borders of South Africa," DA MPs David Maynier and James Lorimer said in a joint statement.
The pair have just completed a visit to the northern borderline, following a visit last week to the Lesotho border, where they also discovered sections of that security fence was missing.
Maynier and Lorimer said the state of the SA-Zimbabwe border fence was shocking.
"On our visit... in the Beit Bridge area we found that... several gates had been left open; the borderline fence had been cut wide open in several places; large sections of [it] had been stolen; and [it] had been flattened in many places."
Their latest tour had found a "low police presence" on the border.
"The SAPS do not do foot patrols, and were deployed at 10km intervals at sub-stations along the South Africa-Zimbabwe border.
"The poor state of borderline security made it possible for organised crime syndicates to smuggle cigarettes and livestock. Poachers also came over the border, causing a major problem for farmers in the area.
"With livestock easily moving over the border, there was a continuous threat of foot-and-mouth disease breaking out in the area."
They noted that both Defence and Military Veterans Minister Lindiwe Sisulu and her deputy had indicated the SA National Defence Force would be returning to patrol South Africa's borders.
"We appear to be moving in the right direction. But what we need is a concrete plan rather than vague promises. We need to know how many soldiers will be deployed on the border. And we need to know when they will be deployed on the border," Maynier and Lorimer said.
End of a nation - "You cannot legislate the poor into freedom"...
"You cannot legislate the poor into freedom by legislating the wealthy out of freedom. What one person receives without working for, another person must work for without receiving. The government cannot give to anybody anything that the government does not first take from somebody else.
When half of the people get the idea that they do not have to work because the other half is going to take care of them, and when the other half gets the idea that it does no good to work because somebody else is going to get what they work for, that my dear friend, is about the end of any nation. You cannot multiply wealth by dividing it."
By: Dr. Adrian Rogers (1931)
- You cannot help the poor, by destroying the rich.
- You cannot strengthen the weak, by weakening the strong.
- You cannot bring about prosperity, by discouraging thrift.
- You cannot lift the wage earner up, by pulling the wage payer down.
- You cannot further the brotherhood of man, by inciting class hatred.
- You cannot build character and courage, by taking away men's initiative and independence.
- You cannot help men permanently, by doing for them what they could and should, do for themselves .
Abraham Lincoln