ANC Youth League's latest bout of hate speech

By: Andrew de Pomeroy-Legg

In the words of ANCYL Free State chairperson Thebe Meeko: "the shoot-to-kill approach must also apply to all the racists, including Jansen ̵ because he is a racist"

In the words of the incomprehensible Floyd Shivambu, "We say what we mean and we mean what we say".

So it is clear then. According to the ANCYL, Jonathan Jansen must be shot dead. Murdered. I see no other interpretation when the word "racists" as opposed to "racism" is used in Meeko's statement.

Of course, now that the cat is out of the bag, no one meant anything they said!

It is about time that the ANC Youth League starts saying what they mean, and taking responsibility for it! For goodness sakes, they are certainly old enough. On the other hand, if they are indeed incapable of choosing spokesmen who can articulate their beliefs clearly (which seems to be the case), they should just shut up.

It is high time that they and their parent body, the ANC, are held responsible for this type of behavior and stop using the excuse of youth. Africa has a shameful history of child soldiers, violence and criminality, and we do not need this type of irresponsible destructive behavior promulgated by the intentionally aggravating comments of the "youth" in the ANCYL.

Their only way of being popular and making a name for themselves seems to be through easy-come-easy-go hate speech, as opposed to actually doing something intelligent and constructive towards building a better South Africa.

It is high time that some of the adults in this country, and in particular in the ANC, start to hold these buffoons responsible for the offensive and dangerous drivel they spout.

Come on President Zuma, put your money where your mouth is (or is it your mouth where your money is?) and discipline these people who speak in the name of the ANC. Are you man enough, or do they suit your agenda just fine? Until you prove otherwise, I, for one, will certainly assume the latter.

The ANCYL must now be held accountable for their hate speech.

Justice must apply equally to all, so to the ANCYL I say: take your justice just as you demand it be given to others. Feeble excuses hold no water beyond the playground. According to your own ANCYL Policy on Education, you strive for 100 percent literacy. Clearly you have some way to go, even with your spokesmen and senior office bearers. Get on with it, but in the mean time, shut up and, for all our sakes, grow up!

SAPS embargo on crime reports ahead of FIFA World Cup

An embargo has been placed on police stations providing media with crime reports. This was reportedly done to divert attention from crime when foreign visitors consider attending the FIFA World Cup next year.

In this letter to the Minister of Police and the National Commissioner, MadibengPulse argues that publishing of crime reports by police stations is categorically different from compiling national or provincial crime statistics and the embargo will merely harm community policing, essential to combating crime on the spot all over South Africa.

Dear Minister and Commissioner,

Re: Embargo on crime reports issued by police stations

An embargo has been placed on police stations providing newspapers with crime reports.

It was said that the embargo was meant to protect the Soccer World Cup next year so that potential visitors are not put off from coming to South Africa by high crime statistics. We’ll show that such thinking is seriously flawed, unnecessary even for the dubious goal of protecting the World Cup and an example of how the SAPS is shooting itself in the foot by heeding advisers who have not done straight thinking on the issue.

In the thinking process – if there was one – which preceded a decision to restrict information on crime at local police stations, several incompatible concepts were apparently confused:

1. Local crime reports versus National crimes statistics.
   
2. Go it alone policing versus Community policing.
   
3. The difference between a statistic and reality
   
4. The interests of the SAPS nationally versus the interests of the local police stations.
   
5. Provincial crime reports versus local crime reports.
   
6. We’ll examine each of these aspects to illustrate our point.
   

1. National crime statistics and crime reports.
These two phenomena bear little relationship to each other in reality except that, presumably, if one totals the various types and totals for each category of crime at all the police stations in the country for a given period, one would arrive at a national statistic for each category of crime for that period.

These statistics – being abstract in nature - would be of little real interest or use to a citizen living in a police district. Their only conceivable use
would be for the opposition parties to use in parliament as a stick to beat the government and for the top management of the SAPS and the president to measure the effectiveness of various approaches in combating crime.

So, the compilation and publishing of these statistics have no influence on effective community policing.

The only organisation which can possibly compile these figures from crime reports at local police stations to arrive at provincial and national statistics is the SAPS. So whether or not such statistics are compiled and used by opposition parties to show how badly the police are doing or by Andy Capp the London soccer fan in deciding to come to the World Cup or stay away, is entirely in the hands of the SAPS top management.

2. SAPS policing versus Community policing.
The effect on local policing of restricting national statistics would be virtually zero, but the effect of placing embargoes on local reports is extremely negative. If the top managements of the SAPS believe it themselves when they tell the public that effective policing is the result of teamwork between the SAPS and the community, why should they then take a decision that leaves the other half of the team in the dark?

In many thousands of experiments in industrial psychology it has been shown without exception, that if teams are given tasks to perform, those who get continuous feedback on results, far outperform teams which are kept in the dark. The criminal grapevine has continuous feedback on their successes and failures, why should the other half of the community policing team be deprived of it?

Our newspaper reported a few months ago on the local head of uniform policing saying that local crime compared to a year ago had been cut in half. We report continuously on police matters because of its importance in everybody’s life, and we know that such results came from good policing, a clean up of corrupt policing at our police station and the installation of neighbourhood watches.

Would those who work tiresome hours without pay and at their own expense be willing to do so if they’re kept in the dark about its effectiveness? How you do motivate them if it’s not with the feedback of their own successes?

This embargo merely serves to interfere with the mutual trust between communities and their local police which is an essential ingredient for effective policing.

3. The difference between a statistic and reality.
There is a difference between those who take part in community policing, the police reservists, the CPF and neighbourhood watches on the one hand, and those who merely read about crime in their local newspaper. But even for those, local crime reports are valuable. Reading about a murder in Cape Town is a statistic; reading about it in my neighbourhood is a reality. It makes me double lock my doors, warn my neighbours and report any suspicious looking characters to the police.

Reports on a series of car thefts in my suburb, cause me to take extra care with my car thus making it more difficult for the car thieves and easier for the police.

Such reactions to local crime reports, which strengthen community policing, have nothing to do with crimes statistics, which are abstractions and bear no resemblance to local realities.

Perhaps Mr. Minister and Commissioner, you should have another look at those of your advisers who do not know the difference between a local crime report and a national statistic, or their influences on community policing. The influence of the statistic is zero; the reality of reports is immense.

4. The interests of the SAPS nationally versus the interest of the local police station.
The local police station has very little to do with national or provincial statistics, but much to do with crime statistics for the particular police station. Presumably, you use statistics at the local level to assess the performance of the members and the station commissioner. (This assumes of course that you keep staff at one police station long enough and do not chop and change policies, which will make it impossible to measure performance for an individual police station.)

The community which is part of a policing district does not have a great interest in local statistics which is a measure of incidents over a given time period. But they very definitely have an interest in current crime reports and trends as realities on an ongoing basis. They react to these and so form a vital part of the total community policing effort. If you withhold that information from them they will lose interest and, dare one say, live in a fool’s paradise and such people would not be very useful to have as partners in community policing.

In conclusion, it may be necessary in your perception to keep national crimes figures secret, but it’s definitely not in the interest of the local police station to withhold information on individual crime incidents from the community.

5. Provincial crime reports versus local crime reports.
Advisers, whom I also suggest you should have another look at, presumably suggested that crime reports should be provided by a provincial press office; in other words information should be controlled. This is based on a complete misconception of the function of a newspaper in a community. Newspapers do not need a certain quota of crime reports to fill editorial space nor do they have a demand for a given percentage of crime stories. They publish crime reports because they are of interest to their readers and they have such reader interest when they are local.

Who cares if you live in Hartbeespoort or Brits and a bank manager in Taung conspired with his teller to conspire with two robbers to fake a robbery? But put that bank in Brits or Hartbeespoort and every resident is interested. It is only through such interest and the vital interest in one’s personal safety - and personal safety is a local reality not a statistic - that you get the cooperation of the community. And as we all agree, community cooperation is vital for effective policing.

This newspaper attends every Community Policing Forum meeting, not because what happens there is always that interesting, but because we believe we should inform our readers about community policing. We regularly went to police stations (before the embargo) for briefings – often to be stood up by discourteous police members at Brits Police Station – not because, as professionals we think all the crime reports are that interesting, but because we believe that to establish a point of contact between the police and the community, is vital to community policing. In what way would you as top SAPS management do it otherwise? Your official press releases are far too dull to rely on for automatic publication.

None of our readers or the local police would question our commitment to maintaining healthy relations between the public and their local police station, and we lauded the appointment of both you the Minister and you the Commissioner because of a new attitude of putting the honest citizen ahead of the criminal.

For that reason we make no apology in shooting from the hip by saying: in an emergency at a crime scene it may make sense to shoot first and ask questions later. In a vast organisation with complicated interrelationships with the public it serves, an embargo decision should not have been taken in an act now and think later mode.

We urge you to rethink the decision to withhold crime reports from the media; in the long term it will do more harm than good to local policing.

Yours faithfully,
R. J. R. Dreyer
Editor,
MadibengPulse,

SA’s shocking murder stats since 2004 – a terrifying table

The telling table of murder statistics released by the police 22 September 2009. It shows that our country still has a long way to go before it conquers this scourge.

South African experience

Letter published in Guardian Newspaper - October 21, 2009

SIR:

On Thursday October 1, 2009, the National Chairman of our great party Chief Bisi Akande; the Lagos State Chairman of the Party in Lagos, Chief Dele Ajomale; his wife; the representative of the Governor and my humble self left for South Africa to inaugurate the chapter of our party. Business finished on Saturday October 2 and 3, 2009 in both Pretoria and Johannesburg. We had Sunday October 4 to look around. It was my first visit to South Africa and what I saw stunned me.

Am I in Africa or Europe? Am I in America? Is this another Singapore? Could this be true? Where was Nigeria when South Africa was putting all these structures in place? If the white man did all these in South Africa why were the Nelson Mandelas of this world complaining? If South Africans got their independence on a platter of gold the way Nigeria got hers in 1960, would there have been all these structures I am seeing here today? Impossible! From what I saw on ground in South Africa, it looked as if all the companies and industries all over the world are physically present there. Ah! Nigeria has been left behind. South Africa is the potential and undisputable leader in Africa. Thanks to the white South Africans.

I came to the unhappy conclusion that the mosquitoes that drove the whites away from Nigeria in 1960 did a colossal and unmitigated damage to Nigerians. I again asked myself these questions: How many black Africans did the whites kill before surrendering power to them? How many Nigerians have been killed by Nigerian leaders since they took over power from the whites in 1960? Let us compare the figures. I am sure the supreme prize South Africans paid to have the South Africa I see today will be so infinitesimal compared with what our leaders have killed to remain in power in Nigeria.

In 1988 Nelson Mandela's cell became a private home with a swimming pool, complete with white servants. In this picture Nelson Mandela chats with his former chef Jack Swart outside the house he spent the last years of imprisonment.

What I am saying is that God should have allowed the whites to tarry for at least more 30 years in Nigeria and we would have been better for it. Mandela survived 27 years in prison because the whiteman was a better person. He could not have survived 10 years in prison in Nigeria.

My conclusion after seeing what I saw in South Africa is that the whites left Nigeria in a hurry, and that is why we are suffering today. Had the whites tarried in Nigeria, Nigeria would have been like South Africa today. I want the whites back in Nigeria!

Joe Igbokwe,
Lagos.

Hot iron torture: domestics arrested

For police officers accustomed to hauling armed robbers out of Alexandra, it was an unusual mission: track down and arrest two domestic workers hiding out in Hillbrow.

But the capture of their suspects broke wide open a case in which a Sandton woman was tortured with a hot iron during a house robbery last week.

The attack was the third in as many years that has taken place at the luxury Bryanston complex where convicted drug dealer Glenn Agliotti's family were held up in 2007.

It is understood the gang arrived at the complex on Thursday morning in a car with Telkom signs on it. They produced a phone account bearing the family's name and told the security guard they were there to fix the line. The guard called the unit, spoke to one of the two domestic workers and was assured that the technicians were expected.

The four men then entered the house and took its owner hostage.

The gang ransacked the house, stealing jewellery, computers and other small valuables. The robbers also took a computer box capturing the CCTV footage in the house. After emptying a safe, they demanded the keys for a locked vault in which the woman's husband kept his hunting weapons. But the husband was away and he had the keys with him.

"I told them I didn't have them," the woman said. "They took an iron and started burning my back. They could have tortured me all day, but I didn't have the keys. They then put a pair of socks in my mouth, tied a scarf around my head and tied my hands and feet with a cable."

After the robbers fled, the woman managed to free herself and call for help. Following the violent attack the woman has had to have plastic surgery for her wounds.

Two domestic workers, Patricia Moyo, 29, and Tracey Khalima, 27, had vanished with the gang, and the fear at first was that they had been kidnapped. But it did not take long for the the Trio Task Team from the Alexandra cluster to consider them suspects and track them down to a flat in Hillbrow. The women, one of whom had been with the family for two years, were caught with the family's jewellery and cash.

This breakthrough led officers to pounce on Leonard "Golden" Dube, who was caught with an R-4 military rifle and about R40 000 in cash. Dube was arrested in 2001 in connection with a massive heist at OR Tambo International Airport, but was released. A security guard was shot during the robbery and foreign currency, diamonds and jewellery worth more than R10 million were taken.

After arresting Dube, police raided a pawnshop in central Joburg and arrested the owner, Brett Hutchings, who allegedly had some of the stolen jewellery in his pocket.

The four suspects appeared in the Alexandra Magistrate's Court on Monday and were due to appear again today. The hunt is on for the remaining three robbers responsible for the attack.

Agliotti's family were attacked in 2007 and tortured for three hours by robbers. His teenage daughter was molested and his former wife was beaten by the gang. At the time he was under house arrest and under surveillance by the Scorpions. Agliotti has moved out of the Sandton complex and is currently testifying in Jackie Selebi's corruption trial.

About three months ago, another robbery was attempted at the same complex. A gang failed to steal a Porsche, and a security guard was arrested for allegedly being in cahoots with the robbers.

Deployment: The ANC can't have its cake and eat it

Paul Trewhela responds to Malusi Gigaba's analysis of the state of local govt

THE SUBSTITUTIONISM OF THE ANC

Earlier this week, in 'The Professor and the Police Minister', I developed a grim argument that despotism is an old tradition in South Africa, and that the current administration appeared to be moving in that direction (see here)..

I neglected to add a rider to that proposition. The rider says: True, but South Africa is a very difficult country to govern despotically, without the consent of the governed.

Let the governors take a warning from the history of their predecessors.

Few countries in the world have such a rich tradition of resistance against unjust and arbitrary rule. In few countries is there such a deep and grounded assumption, with such a powerful lived experience among the present generations, that 'these truths we take to be self-evident': that government exists to serve the governed, and not the other way round.

It is not wise in South Africa for government to believe that it has a God-appointed, or History-appointed, right to rule. Unfortunately for government, the people have a very long experience of being instructed in the nonsense of that fable, which they learned the hard way not to believe, through many sacrifices. Their greatest heroes refused that argument, and stated instead: 'It's right to rebel.' At the age of 91, born in 1918, Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela is living proof of that grand refusal. The fact that he stepped down voluntarily from the seat of power, after only one term in office, is also proof of it.

It is not wise for the governors in South Africa to exempt themselves from that model, provided so richly over so many years by a Mandela, a Biko, a Luthuli, a Sobukwe...the names go on and on.

Each and any despotic action by the government of South Africa will be held up for inspection in the mirror of that history, which is not dead: it is not even past (as the novelist William Faulkner liked to say about the past).

Few countries live so much in the present of such a history. If a people are instructed constantly in a historical tradition of defiance of unjust rule, as in South Africa, it would be unwise to assume that they will not continue to honour that teaching.

If the first article in the most honoured document of that tradition were to state that 'The people shall govern', and that 'All people are entitled to take part in the administration of the country', then it would be wise to expect that the people would in the course of time come to know if they were not, in fact, being permitted to govern themselves, or if some other agency had arrogated to itself the right to act as surrogate, or substitute, in their proper place.

No, ruling by fooling has only a limited chance of succeeding in a country with this kind of history. It can succeed for a while. But then, bit by bit, people catch on. About political dispossession, South Africans are a learned people. Their government should beware that kind of knowledge becoming widely established.

In this sense, the people are wiser than their government, and they live much longer - above all in their historical memory.

It is so easy to see who acts as Baas in this country.

This is the significance of the extraordinary statement by Malusi Gigaba, Deputy Minister of Housing and member of the National Executive Committee of the ANC, which appeared last week on the weekly online newsletter of the governing party, ANC Today 23 October (see here).

Gigaba's document is revelatory for two reasons. Firstly, he provides an astonishing insider's accountancy of cronyism and corruption by the governing party, and how it eviscerates local government across a huge area of the country. Secondly, despite all he shows of maladministration and corruption, he reveals an unshaken faith in the sacred right of his political party to continue to act as a substitute source of authority, in place of the voters.

Gigaba begins in his first sentence with an acknowledgement of a primary contemporary reality: "It is quite easy to hear such swiping statements as that - 'All Councillors are useless and corrupt'". The problem arises, he states, "when nothing is done about those that are corrupt, or arrogant, and/or lazy".

Some of the current service delivery protests, Gigaba continues, have been not so much about service delivery itself, but, rather, "service delivery issues have been raised to highlight a much deeper challenge in our municipalities which relates to the political leadership of the Councils." The recent Lekwa municipal protests had little to do with the issues of service delivery, he states. They were directed rather at "the arrogance of certain comrades deployed to positions of responsibility...." What the community is complaining about was basically that "their leadership had turned their backs on their mandate and had forgotten their leadership responsibility".

Councillors at the level of municipality, he goes on, sometimes "become big-headed and undermine and disrespect" ANC branches, so that "the only structure they interact with is their caucus".

In addition, there are "constant divisions between the ANC and its allies. There are many opportunists on the ground masquerading as SACP members, sowing divisions in the name of the SACP and even orchestrating violent riots against Councillors. In many instances, it is an open secret that these so-called SACP activists want to become Councillors themselves in 2011, and just use the SACP for that purpose. This is not helped by the ANC's own ample opportunists sowing divisions of their own between the ANC and SACP."

ANC branches, Gigaba continues, "regard themselves as representatives of the leadership in the community rather than as representatives of communities..." Branches feel that this "precludes the ANC from engaging in what are regarded as civic issues", thus "[refraining] from civic engagement about roads, electricity, water and housing, indeed about issues of municipal governance...".

In a situation in which the "ordinary masses on the ground had enormous grievances and discontent about local issues", in Lekwa the recent protests had in fact been "led by ANC members in good standing". ANC branches in Lekwa had previously "raised these issues to senior organisational structures, but with no positive response." The result is "Social distance - a leadership disconnect[ed] with communities": a "yawning political, organisational and leadership hiatus on the ground", in which for years it had been "evident that the masses felt estranged and disengaged from the ANC and regarded its leadership as aloof."

This was "Deployment gone berserk". In Lekwa, Dipaleseng and other areas, the political leaders of the municipalities "disrespect the masses and have tended to regard themselves...as untouchable. What often compounds this is the fact that these comrades often have connections with senior leaders in the regions and provinces and belong to powerful factions that protect them and shield them from any criticism."

Mayors, Speakers and Chief Whips are often "clearly incompetent to occupy these positions. Yet they have been deployed to hold them...to serve factional ends. When they buckle and fail to perform, and when they become arrogant and big-headed, it is because they know they will be shielded by those that had deployed them".

There, without even having to read between the lines, and from the hand of the Deputy Housing Minister (who is also a former President of the ANC Youth League, and therefore knows the score backwards), is the rarest glimpse of truth from within the ruling apparatus. Gigaba describes a pervasive system in which councillors (though not all) are "corrupt, or arrogant, and/or lazy", who "turn their backs" on the people they are supposed to serve, who are "big-headed" and interact only with their caucus, among whom there are "ample opportunists" and in which there are "constant divisions" of a purely factional, self-serving nature.

What an indictment, and what a betrayal of the ANC's promise that 'The people shall govern'! It is an exposition of the systemic nature of South Africa's failure of governance.

Gigaba goes even further. In a dazzling illumination of the real nature of modern South Africa which deserves to be re-enacted in municipalities across the country as a form of political theatre, for the enlightenment and entertainment of the people, he displays the systemic machinery of corruption in government.

The "greatest injustice", he states, is committed "when patently incompetent and unqualified people are deployed into the administration as Municipal Managers, Chief Financial Officers, and Heads of certain services such as local economic development, technical services and others."

Then comes the clincher.

"It is generally known that Section 57 Employees are political deployees. The reasons for this are never explained except that this is so. This is so helplessly abused and perverted that it could seem that what is at fault here is the very notion of deployment. Anyone who is connected with the powerful blocs can end up occupying any of these positions.

"Often, RECs deploy people to these positions despite the fact that they have no deployment committees and have no power to deploy. And when they do so, they often deploy 'javelin throwers' who will ensure that all contracts are thrown in the right direction and then they run hard to receive the javelin on the other hand and share the spoils with those who 'deployed' them."

"Javelin throwers"! What a wonderful phrase! What is at fault here, Gigaba affirms, "is the very notion of deployment". He concludes by stating that "atrocities are committed in the name of deployment and municipalities undermined and decapitated!"

He could not be more damning.

Yet, contrary to Malusi Gigaba, "deployment" is the heart and soul of ANC government, its principle of life, its fundamental principle of rule. It is built into the very fabric of government by the Electoral Law enshrined in the Constitution of 1994, by which a party list system of unmediated proportional representation places a cabal of party managers in Luthuli House supreme over Parliament, the provinces, the municipalities, the civil service - and even the Presidency itself - with as little difference as if it were the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.

The "javellin throwers" are the living truth of South African despotism, built into the Constitution by the ANC in its Electoral Law under the benign aegis of Nelson Mandela, in a last-minute secret compact with the outgoing party of despotism, the National Party of FW de Klerk (and before him, of PW Botha, BJ Vorster, etc etc), in the early months of 1994.

It is the continuation of apartheid tyranny by other means, to the advantage of the ANC, as successor to the apartheid state.

Even a cursory reading of Gigaba's historic document makes it clear, however, that he sees no remedy to this systemic miscarriage of democracy in South Africa, apart from an appeal to the nobler sentiments of the party for whom this system was constructed as sole beneficiary. Gigaba is a prisoner too of the ANC's folie de grandeur, or arrogance (or foolishness) of power.

It is the besetting sin of substitutionism. This term, current within British leftwing groups in previous decades, was invented to describe those deluded groups or sects that believed that they could substitute their own energies (or arrogance) for the self-activity of the working class.

It applies perfectly to the arrogant delusion of the ANC, of whatever faction (and no less to the direct inheritor of the Stalinist tradition of the Soviet Union, the SACP, burrowed away within the ANC), that it is the God-created fount of the political right to rule in South Africa, and not the voters organised in constituencies, with the power to pull down any incumbent.

In this sense, the Constitution of 1994 through its Electoral Law established a tyranny dressed up as democracy, and this system urgently needs revision.

Discussion of this subject should be brought to every municipality in the country.

Hate Crimes Against White Minorities in South Africa

By Henri LeRiche - 10/10/2009

Brandon Huntley, a "white" South African, was recently granted asylum in Canada. It is a direct result of notable genocidal conditions that are steadily on the rise in South Africa. There is a common resistance by the majority of South Africans, to Mr Huntley’s charges that he fears for his life. That he is being targeted by criminals, because he is a "white" minority. It is funny how the ANC-led South African government shouted "racist" when a "white" man from Africa applied for asylum due to persecution, and failed to see the reverse racism they were guilty of. After all, this came from the same government that called Europe "racist" when athlete Caster Semenya had to go for a gender test. It turned out she is a hermaphrodite and the race card was just a ploy to cover a lie. In South Africa the race "card" is often used as a weapon by the government in order to silence its enemies and gain support for its racial policies.

In Canada, the South African Civil Rights group, Afriforum, is going to put evidence on the table for the world to see. Evidence that is going to make the South African government very uncomfortable and dance to the tune of “Truth is the biggest enemy of any government". The hope is that the ANC led, South African government will be held accountable in an international court, for the human desperation which now exists within some of the white communities in South Africa. We contend that the South African government has been actively, concealing the truth, not only from the international community, but also from many of South Africa’s own citizens.

To date there seems to be an unwillingness from the media to advance the full extent of the current conditions in South Africa. Relying almost exclusively upon statistics as provided by the South African government, without independent verification. Victims of an under current of genocide,low scale war, deserve more than a “copy and paste” mentality from news editors. Our desire is to extent the boundaries of truth, beyond the limited horizon of a small sphere of humanitarian efforts.

A part of the world’s confusion is understandable. Many “rich white” foreigners living in South Africa’s highly secured neighbourhoods, speak with wonderment about the virtues of South Africa. They have no historical or family ties to the country, that binds them to heinous atrocities that are being committed against "white" minorities with a wide network of family. They do not have to share in the fear of racial discontent as directed at "white" minorities, specifically Afrikaners (Descendants of Mostly Dutch, French, German, British and smaller numbers from other European countries) whose heritage ties them to South Africa’s past. Afrikaners only have South African passports and thus "white" do not have European passports which "ties" them solidly to African soil. Foreigners to South Africa do not get to see the day to day life, that minorities in South Africa have to deal with. Even those of us forced to live outside our countries borders, are only a phone call away from the shared, feared reality of a racially fueled genocide. The fear is real as portrayed by the mass exodus of qualified and skilled citizens, of whom the majority is white.

Concerned people from all walks of life, around the world have unified for the sole purpose of disseminating the truth. If these charges are a vilification of the truth, then truth shall prevail on the occasion of its justification. Thus we seek the truth to be told in an international court of law, and that the world be told the truth. That apartheid is still very much alive in a nation where racial tension is still propagated by the government, and tolerated by its media. People from all cultures, races and creed should not suffer the discontent that racism breeds, or fear those that use '"racism" as a "weapon of silence". The world is slowly starting to wake up to racial double standards. Where certain rules apply to one person, yet different rules to another. Brandon Huntley is that proof.

For minorities, where ever they find themselves in the world, have no say in their destiny as voted by a majority. They are either accepted as part of a society or have to share in the world’s charity. That is the price of being the minority, you are at the mercy of the perception of right and wrong as perceived by the majority. That is one of the reasons why Afrikaners became part of a larger family of minorities by joining the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization (UNPO). Equality is only a perception shared by the majority, and hoped for by minorities. South African minorities are at the mercy of equality as perpetrated on them by criminals. We are at the mercy of racial equality as viewed by people who participate in crime. Yet we do not have the voting power to end acts of crime against all citizens of South Africa. The majority are the ones who tolerate crime, therefore we must judge the racial tolerance of criminals. At night we can only pray that we would not be murdered by somebody with a vindictive racial attitude. We do not get to vote on the attitude towards crime, yet we are told that it is not geared towards us. We have to take the word of the majority, that criminals do not use racial bias. In South Africa, racists are not criminals, this is what the statics will make us believe.

This is not a question of us against them, but about what is wrong, and that, is a government forcing its “denial of truth agenda” on the world. An agenda that now heightens racial discord by driving a wedge between people. That wedge is destroying the “Mandela dream”. In a nation of people that seeks peace, we are being polarised by government efforts. The ANC proffer a policy that generally states “never again will one benefit at the expense of another”, in its own Freedom Charter. Whilst still at the same time practicing policies like Affirmative Action and Black Economic Empowerment, to virtually eliminate whites from participation in the work force. Does the government fear our commitment to building the future of South Africa? Are we always to be treated that we do not belong, therefore we are not allowed to equally participate? How long before our own people will accept us, and not reject us? Maybe then the killing of innocent people will stop.

If we are to be truly living in a free society, the government should feel obligated to protect all its citizens against violent crime. In order for us to build a better society, we need to be living in one first. There is no justification for crime, not even against minorities. If there is racial discord, are the leaders not there to discredit its legitimacy, are they not there to raise or lower our fears?

Yet we are being labelled as being “racist” because we are raising our fears, as we see our government use racial slurs, to raise political capital. The world should also be the judge of the legitimacy of our fears. History is littered with examples of people’s fears that were ignored. If our fears are just an attempt to diminish the South African government, then the truth should be told. They have already diminished their own image in the U.N. when it comes to voting on human rights issues, as a member of the Human Rights Council.

“HRC members such as South Africa, Indonesia, India and Senegal, although themselves generally regarded as upholding human rights at home, frequently back human rights-abusing countries, critics say." - CNSNews.com

The media seems to believe that our allegations are all fabricated lies, so what harm would come of independent eyes to discern for themselves? If all we are trying to do is to create a larger schism between races, will those facts not also be revealed? We believe and trust that the truth shall set us free, rather than apart. These crimes have been continuing since 1994 and is ever on the increase, to such worrying statistics that Genocide Watch is very concerned to what is currently happening.

Here are three examples of hate crimes in the white community that were fueled by black on white racism, yet gone unnoticed, like many more examples Afriforum will give as evidence.

David Jones, of the Daily Mail describes the brutal assault of a white woman, Mrs. Ame Brown, in her Johannesburg home, in the absence of her husband, who was working a night shift. Mrs. Brown's two young sons were bound at the wrists and forced at gunpoint to watch the four-strong black gang which had broken into their flat as their mother was violated in turn by each of the gang members. Says Jones: "As the first man made way for the second, he spat out the hate-filled words Ame, an Afrikaner, will never forget: "For years you Boers always took from us. Now we're taking from you." In fact, Ame Brown worked as a care assistant looking after mainly black children at a Johannesburg home for youngsters. But her work on behalf of such an underprivileged, have-not section of the population obviously cut no ice with her assailants. Her race was all that mattered as far as they were concerned.

Lambert Theron, 20, Kempton Park Wimpy manager - CCTV filmed this young Afrikaner’s last moments: being hacked to death in a revenge-murder by two black co-workers – who accused him of ‘lying like all white men do’.

One of the most shocking recent examples of two anti-white racist hate-crimes involved the April 2009 torture-murders of Alice Lotter, 77, and her daughter Helen, 57, which caused a wave of abhorrence amongst the entire white community because of its incredible cruelty. The women, both frail, were tortured to death at their farm in Allenridge in the Free State on April 1, 2009. According to forensic evidence, the Lotter mother and daughter died excruciatingly painful deaths: First tortured by being stabbed with broken glass bottles into their vaginas; one of the women also had her breasts cut off while she was still alive – and then both women’s blood, police forensic experts found, had been used to paint the ANC’s anti-Afrikaner hate slogan ‘Kill the Boer Kill the Farmer’ on the walls of their homestead.

The list of crimes against "white" minorities, victims of murder and torture goes on.

Take a moment and ask yourself the question: What if these minorities were from a different race, in another part of the world? Would there be an international outcry against these heinous crimes, if they were not "white"? If the roles were reversed the world would trounce on the opportunity to vilify "whites", acting in such a way against "black" minorities. Are we to believe that asylum seekers should also be racially profiled? In a truly democratic society the outcry that a member of minority has been brutalized like this, should cause a reaction from their government. A full scale investigation into the causes and conditions, or at the very least a denouncement from the government, should be launched. We should learn from the past that ignoring the pleas from minorities, can have even full scale impact on the rest of the world. Less we forget the lessons from our wars of the past. We can ill afford another devastating war on the face of the planet, seeing that we are already losing the battle on global climate change and the population growth is about to explode. The last world war was started by the world ignoring the plight of minorities, as they felt that the abuse was justified.

On this point the South African government remains painfully misdirected, choosing to rouse its supporters into hatred against whites. The South African government knows if they stop using the racial issue, if "whites" become South Africans, rather than ‘Racist White’ South Africans, it would become increasingly more difficult to enforce racial bias, hypocritical policies and even lose support in the process. Is equality not the pursuit of all people?

As things are becoming more tense in South Africa, we see right wing extremists rise up from the ashes, for instance the AWB party of Eugene Tereblanche. Though these group represent a very small minority of "whites" or Afrikaners, what is apparent and worrying, is that more "whites" will feel obliged to sympathise as hate crimes against them is on the increase.

Brandon Huntley might lose his case, but that is not the real issue. The question is whether the truth will be exposed, will all be fully revealed? If the South African government’s statistics and propaganda are accepted as "fact", if the full spectrum of truth is discarded or ignored. The world will lose another opportunity to advance the cause of oppressed people - even oppressed white men like Brandon Huntley. If the world neglects to seek the truth, the South African government will not suddenly find its moral centre, rather, it will be assured that its efforts to beguile are more potent than truth. Even to those of us that believed they would bring peace and equality.

That dream is still to be achieved.

Source:Global Politician
http://globalpolitician.com/25943-south-africa

WAR-TALK & HATE SPEECHES OF THE 'ANC LIBERATORS'

1. "We are going to kill you whites like flies when Mandela dies" - Judge John Motata
2. " Kill the Boer- Kill the Farmer" - Famous slogan by Peter Mokaba
3. " Let me tell you my friend- I have triumphed over your apartheid regime,-and I will triumph over you again- once and for all"- Julius Malema
4. " I have beaten the Colonials - and I am going to beat the children of the children of the Colonials"- Julius Malema
5. " Kill them- Kill the Amaburu"- Famous song by the ANC and Mandela
6. " All whites are racists"- Dept. Minister Fikile Mbalula
7. "The British want to be beaten up. Anyone find an Englishman, do so, beat him up,” - Sam Njoma
8. " Be careful. If they ( Wjites)- come here we will show them and teach them a lesson as we did to South Africa during the liberation war"- Sam Njoma
9. " Make the whole of South Africa ungovernable! Paralyse apartheid"- ANC Manifesto
10. " The time has come to take the war to the White areas"- ANC Manifesto
11. " Derby-Lewis will never get parole- he can rot in jail"- Ncondo Balfour
12. " You must not steal from blacks- rather steal from whites"- Willy Madisha
13. "Whites will be threatened with a revolution by black people if the racial quotas are not met"- Jimmy Manji
14. " I will warn them (whites)- that this will be a revolution by all black people- if you want to unite the people- this is the way to go"- Dept. Minister of Labor Membhathisi Mdladlana
15. " Unfortunately there are some people you have to drag to heaven because they are heading for danger"- Jimmy Manji on white farmers that refuse to give-up their farms for land grabs
16. " Bring me my Machine Gun ( Umshini Whami)- Jacob Zuma at his rallies
17. " You think we have forgiven you- we have never forgiven you- we have chosen to follow reconcilliation as described by our organization- but we will never forgive you"- Membhathisi Mdladlana
18. "Whites must watch-out- we will take action and make the country un-governable if they do not get in line quickly"- Gwede Mantasha

South Africa and its anti-white legislative structure

Prof. Hercules Booysen - 9/16/2009

A hysterical reaction occurred in South Africa because of the Canadian Immigration Board's decision to grant the South African, Brandon Huntley, asylum status in Canada. The black ANC government regards the decision as absurd because, in its view, the wave of criminality, which plagues South Africa since the black government took over in 1994, effects both black and whites, not only whites.

Besides the fact that the government's view is an admission that it cannot fulfill the basic function of a government, viz., to protect its citizens, it is also an oversimplification of the situation and a distortion of reality. The government tries to ignore the consequences of its own legislation adopted since 1994.

Just as the white government before 1994, the black government itself chooses to make race determinative of the content of South African citizenship. It is its legislative structure and political policies that should be scrutinized in order to determine whether or not the system is oppressive against whites on account of their race. The high criminality, especially against whites, and an inability to protect its citizenry in this regard, is just one effect of the legislation and policies.

One of the first serious signs of an anti-white political scene was when the ANC member, Peter Mokaba, began with the political slogan, "kill a farmer, kill a Boer" after the black government took power in 1994. He was later appointed a member of Nelson Mandela's government. This political slogan became regular features at ANC meetings and was also shouted at his funeral and in the presence of various high functionaries of the state. Nobody was reprimanded by the state for allowing, participating or acquiescing in this practice and no official resigned because of it. Anywhere in the world, except South Africa, such behavior would have been regarded as instigation to murder. Although it is an offense to instigate murder, nobody was prosecuted for this practice. It was originally simply regarded as an exercise of the right to free expression. The influence of the slogan on young and illiterate, and not so illiterate, blacks was never determined or tested in a court of law.

The legislation adopted since 1994, has the effect that the civil service, openly and as stated policy, discriminates against whites, that numerous, almost about all, whites lost their positions in the public services on account of their race, that on account of race managerial positions in white owned companies must be granted to blacks, that a certain number of shares in white owned companies must be transferred to blacks, that white owned farms must be expropriated on behalf of individual blacks and not for public purposes as is internationally required and that the study places for whites at universities, especially for the professions, are limited.

These are just few examples explaining the purpose, and effect, of the legislative program adopted since 1994. The government describes its policies openly as the Africanization of South Africa. The similarities between this policy as reflected in legislation and that followed in Nazi Germany after 1933 are amazing. The Nazis called their policy Arisierung, or Germanization, and it was aimed at the Jews. On the international level it is difficult to regard Africanisation as legitimate if Arisierung is also not so regarded. Because nobody considers Arisierung to be legitimate, it is objectively difficult to view Africaniszation to be anything else than unlawful. The German policy of Arisierung underwent a change for the worst after 1939, which can even be seen as a dangerous pointer to what might be the end result of Africanization if it is not timely identified for what it is.

The view that the South African constitution legitimizes the race-based legal structure originates from the black governing elite: it is the political correct thing to say according to the black governing party for those subject to its policies. Affirmative action, however, can only be justified on an individual basis, that is in respect of individuals whose rights were in reality violated previously. These violated rights should be remedied by affirmative action and then only on an individual basis. Affirmative action cannot be used as justification for legitimizing a totally race-based legal system in which the beneficiaries can even be foreigners, provided that they are black, as is the case in South Africa. The purpose with the new constitution was to abolish a race-orientated legal structure, not to entrench it. If a government creates a legal structure which allows people to chant slogans openly to kill members of another race, that your job can be taken on account of your race, that your land can be expropriated on account of your race, that companies and shares can be taken over on account of the race of the owners, it is certainly one that also sends a clear message to criminals that they may attack the members of that race, who are legally regarded as untermenschen, with impunity. The structure in its totality is then oppressive against whites; the criminal consequences are just one element thereof.

Prof. Hercules Booysen is an eminent South African legal consultant.

Selebi trial costs piling up for SA taxpayers

After only eleven days the total cost is already edging towards a staggering R1 million.

Former South African top cop Jackie Selebi continues to be a financial burden on the country's taxpayers. His corruption trial is expected to be a costly affair and the ongoing delays are making matters worse.

The trial was postponed this week after Selebi's lawyers asked Judge Meyer Joffe to recuse himself.

It has been a lengthy litigation process, playing itself out in the North Gauteng High Court, Randburg Magistrates Court and the South Gauteng High Court. Depending on the outcome it might go on appeal. Every time the former top cop appears in court, he requires legal representation and it does not come cheap. Selebi’s counsel, Jaap Cilliers is a seasoned advocate commanding huge fees and he is assisted by juniors who are paid two thirds of Cilliers’ cost.

The cost of a full time instructing attorney is estimated at about R10 000 per appearance. For the day the state coughs upwards of about R75 000 - this excludes other costs like reading and research. After only eleven days the total cost is already staggering - edging towards the R1 million mark.

In March this year the Freedom Front Plus (FFPlus) raised concerns about Selebi's legal costs after the state had already forked out R2.3million. But the current arrangement with the state having to foot the bill for public servants is being criticised. Legal observers believe it is not an ideal situation.

“It has been a matter of concern in a number of these high profile cases as to how it comes about that the state continues to pay for these cases in this manner. I think it is something that should be properly taken up with the authorities,” says legal analyst, David Unterhalter.

Meanwhile, Unterhalter believes that Selebi's request for Joffe to recuse himself is not justified: “If the judge does not recuse himself then the accused will appeal if the accused wishes to do so - that refusal of the recusal will lead to further delays in the proceedings and it may be that will happen in this case.” The trial was initially set down for 30 days, but an additional application will see it go on for much longer leaving the taxpaper to pick up the tab. The recusal application will be heard next Thursday.

Chuene’s trail of lies

Secret report reveals Chuene's plotting

In a bombshell report the doctor of the South African athletics team, Harold Adams, has accused Athletics South Africa (ASA) boss Leonard Chuene of deliberately politicising and sowing confusion in the Caster Semenya gender test saga.

Adams’s confidential report, leaked to the Mail & Guardian, suggests that Chuene consulted top-level politicians before deciding, against Adams’s advice, to field Semenya in the World Athletics Championship in Berlin in August.

The M&G understands that one of these politicians was the controversial ANC head of Parliament’s sports committee, Butana Komphela.

In the report Adams asks: “Did Chuene consult with the ‘high-powered politicians’ to merely get an endorsement and political backing for his pre-conceived plan of getting a medal at all costs?”

He says Chuene told a medical team of the International Association of Athletics Federations (IAAF) that “withdrawing Semenya was not acceptable to top-level South African politicians who are also in government and that if the IAAF insisted on Semenya’s withdrawal they would face the wrath of the South African government, because it would not hesitate to take the IAAF to the highest court in the land”.

Adams accuses Chuene of “an orgy of lies” and “selfish interest to cover his back at the expense of Semenya’s welfare”. He describes his decision to let Semenya race in Berlin as “reckless, short-sighted and grossly ­irresponsible”.

Chuene did not reply to the M&G’s questions this week and Komphela was unavailable.

In Parliament this week Chuene blamed the IAAF and the media for Semenya’s woes, saying he had only acted to protect the athlete.

Adams’s report indicates that Chuene lied to Parliament by saying that the IAAF had suggested Semenya should fake an injury and withdraw from the race, which he considered “unethical”.

The report was sent to the ANC and South Africa’s Olympic governing body, Sascoc.

It has come to light in the week that IAAF president Lamine Diack was due to have visited South Africa to discuss Semenya’s gender test with her and the government. But Diack announced on Thursday that he had cancelled the trip.

Komphela has declared Diack unwelcome in the country.

Said a senior athletics official: “The report should raise questions about why Komphela has kept quiet all this time. Chuene told him he was going to do something bad and would need the support of politicians when he gets back home. “After Komphela realised that Chuene was in trouble, he spoke to [ANC Youth League leader] Julius Malema to try to squash this whole thing.”

The report reveals that when Adams recommended that Semenya be withdrawn from the championships, Chuene initially agreed.

Adam says: “The reason for my advice was that the tests might prove too traumatic for Semenya to handle, especially without the necessary support of family and friends around her.

“The other reason was that being tested at the World Championships would not give her enough time to consult extensively and perhaps arrive at a decision to refuse the testing, if she felt it would infringe on her privacy and personal rights.”

Adams alleges that Chuene changed his mind the next day after consulting ASA deputy president Kakata Maponyane and politicians back home.

The report reads: “The following day Chuene informed me that he had changed his mind about Semenya’s withdrawal. He said if we withdrew Semenya, what explanation would we give the politicians back home?

“Chuene then requested me to set up a meeting with the IAAF’s medical team. I asked him why he did not discuss the matter with the president of the IAAF and agree with him on how to take the process forward, because this was such a delicate matter.

“Chuene said talking to the president of the IAAF would be his last option. He first wanted to politicise the whole thing and to cause confusion within the IAAF medical team.”

Chuene has defended his decision to field the 800m champion in Berlin by saying that “no reasons were given to him on why he should withdraw Semenya from the championships”.

Adams asks: “The question is: why did Chuene suddenly doubt my credibility when I have such credentials behind my name? Did Chuene consult with the ‘high-powered politicians’ to merely get an endorsement and political backing for his preconceived plan of getting a medal at all costs?”

At Chuene’s request, Adams arranged the meeting with the IAAF’s medical team, where he said Semenya’s withdrawal would be unacceptable to top-level politicians and the South African government. “He told me to keep quiet in that meeting and that he and Maponyane would defend the country’s position ...”

On Tuesday Chuene told Parliament’s sports committee that the IAAF medical team gave him two options during their meeting: the first, that Semenya should fake an injury and withdraw from the race, which Chuene rejected as “unethical”, and the second that “she run and finish and the matter can be addressed after the race. Chuene was not comfortable with this option.”

But Adams says that the IAAF team made it clear “that Semenya could compete at the World Championships, on condition that she accepted that she would be subjected to the IAAF’s gender verification tests in Berlin and that, if any unfair advantage was detected on the part of her, she would be stripped of any medal she might have won at the championships; or that Semenya is withdrawn from the world championships.

“If [the latter] was to be the option exercised, the IAAF was comfortable with ASA handling the matter of the gender verification tests back in South Africa and a report on the said tests sent to the IAAF.”

The Democratic Alliance’s Donald Lee said Chuene should be “ashamed of the role he has played in this saga. It is disgraceful that he has never been admonished, much less dismissed, for his role in violating the dignity of Caster Semenya. He needs to be held accountable and needs to step down as the head of ASA.”

Last month the M&G exposed Chuene’s trail of lies, including his claim that no gender tests had been conducted on Semenya in South Africa.

The report says that Chuene asked Adams to be present at his press conferences to confirm this claim to put the matter to rest “once and for all”.

Adams turned down both requests because he could not endorse a lie.

“I sincerely believe that Chuene’s decision to refuse that Semenya be withdrawn was ... reckless, short-sighted and grossly irresponsible. Chuene’s orgy of lies had absolutely nothing to do with Semenya but all had to do with Chuene’s selfish interest to cover his back at the expense of Semenya’s welfare,” Adams says.

Youth league president Malema continues to give public support to Chuene, and the ANC’s Caster Semenya task team also attacked the IAAF this week, saying the gender tests “were not conducted in keeping with their own stated gender verification policies and rules”.

It demanded that the IAAF make a public apology.

Sources said Adams was reluctant to present his report to the task team on Tuesday because the ANC had already taken a position.

“The whole thing was well planned; everyone is now blaming the IAAF and this was part of the plan,” the senior official said.

House robbed with help of domestic workers

The majority of violent armed robberies involve domestic workers and gardeners.
Research done on residential robberies by Dr Rudolph Zinn, of Unisa's department of criminal and forensic investigations, shows that 80% of house robberies take place thanks to the insider-information criminals obtained from domestic workers, gardeners and former employees.

Domestic workers 'helped robbers'

A Bryanston house was robbed in Sandton this morning, with the help of domestic workers

Four men robbed a house in Sandton, allegedly with the assistance of two domestic workers, Johannesburg police said on Friday.

Inspector Lee Ramdiyal said the incident happened on Thursday morning in Bryanston."

The men gained access to the complex by pretending to be "service providers".

They then accosted the home owner, tied her up and ransacked the house of jewellery, cash, firearms and laptop.

The robbers fled in a white car.

After a police investigation it was suspected that the domestic workers could be involved in the robbery. The domestic workers, aged 27 and 29, were traced and arrested."

The domestic workers were in possession of some of the jewellery and cash that was taken during the robbery."

A man, aged 59, was arrested for the robbery as well. He was found in possession of a firearm and a large amount of cash.

Those arrested are being detained at the Sandton police station on charges of armed robbery..

Man shot dead in farm robbery

Another Victim of the South African Farm Genocide

A man was shot dead in a robbery at a farmhouse in Hartebeesfontein, outside Brits, on Friday, North West police said.

Superintendent Lesego Metsi said the three men broke into the farmhouse while its occupants were sleeping at 3am.

Charles Smith was awoken by the intruders and was on his way to investigate when a robber fired a shot into the bedroom, hitting him in the stomach. He was pronounced dead on arrival at the Brits Medi Clinic.

South African Genocide

White Crime Victims, South Africa – just some pictures from 2008/9

By: Rudi Stettner

Which community suffer from the highest murder rate in the world? If thoughts go through your mind of a gritty urban jungle, you are mistaken. The backdrop of the world's highest murder rate is some of the most beautiful landscapes in the world.

Afrikaner farmers have since the capitulation of their government fallen victim to a wave of murders that are appalling in their sadistic brutality. The small take in the robberies accompanying many of these murders is grotesquely overshadowed by the depravity that accompanies them and with many of the victims being elderly. Since crime statistics have to be approved by the government of South Africa, it is difficult to get a handle on the magnitude of the problem.

At the beginning of the decade there were 40,000 White farmers in South Africa and there have been over 3,037 murdered in racial genocide and more than 20,000 armed attacks perpetrated by groups of militant, young Black racists on commercial farmers, since the ANC came to power in 1994. This is certainly higher as the South African government and police, with the world’s press keep it covered up. Boers are often tortured or raped first, by boiling water forced down their throats, tendons cut, burnings, personal humiliations - most perpetrators are protected by Blacks within government and the police and not tried. Now ask yourselves, gentle readers, how often do you see this on television news or read about it in your quality newspaper?

The idealism that accompanied the birth of a "new South Africa" has been destroyed by Black rule yet the "rainbow nation" is still a fantasy to Western elites. They need to believe in it or face the reality that racial equality does not exist. The dream of truth and reconciliation and the deification of Nelson Mandela make it hard to accept that after Whites gave way to Blacks the Boer minority would be subjected to racial genocide. Boers, you see, have not been sentimentalised, are not figures of sympathy but dehumanised as racists so their murder is not seen as important."

The murder rate among Afrikaner farmers has been estimated to be 310 per 100,000 people. A comparison of general homicide rates gives us an idea of how serious this problem is. The general homicide rate for the USA was 5.8 per 100,000 people in 2009. The general rate for South Africa has been 37.3 murders per 100,000 people in 2009. This means that the Afrikaner farmers are being murdered at a rate that is 10 times the South African national average.

In an attempt to sanitise the problem, the South African government has banned the use of the term "farm murders". The intent is to present the farm murders as random events rather than the ethnically targeted murders that they really are.

Rather than step up police protection for the besieged farmers, the South African government has actually scaled back police protection, leaving the farmers to their own devices to defend themselves. not so coincidentally, there have been attempts by the government to legally expropriate Afrikaner farms and hand them out to Blacks who are chosen as lucky recipients by the government.

"Shaya Ma Buru", ( Kill the Boer) is an African National Congress resistance song that is still sung at national gatherings. In the days of apartheid, "Boer" referred to Afrikaners in general, as well as the state at their disposal. The "Boer" of today is a farmer in the originally intended meaning of the Afrikaner word. He is disarmed in a state in which he is a grudgingly tolerated minority.

"Shaya Ma Buru" is hate speech. It is but one dimension of a general campaign of extermination and dispossession of South Africa's Afrikaners, who have no other homeland in the world. They are in a real sense one of South Africa's tribes.

Where do we go from here? Will South Africa make the same mistake made in Zimbabwe? Will it destroy its agricultural sector and plunge South Africa into inflation and economic chaos? Or will history go full circle with despairing Whites carving their own homeland and haven of safety out of a hostile country? Eugene Terre'Blanche, head of the AWB (Afrikaaner Resistance Movement) is reviled in the mainstream press as a Nazi. but what is wrong with defending a people that is threatened with genocide?

The Australian media reports as follows on Mr. Terre'Blanche:
"ARMS outstretched, his deep voice resonating around the town hall, the white-bearded speaker summoned the Afrikaner "volk" to battle, with rousing words from the past. "Now is not the time to be afraid," he shouted, to grumblings of approval from the audience of burly, khaki-clad farmers, their wives and children. "Now all true Afrikaners must reach out to each other and fight to the bitter end."

Eugene Terre'Blanche, the once-feared White leader in South Africa, is back. He is more subdued and circumspect than in his heyday in the 1980s, but his message has not fundamentally changed.

He told 300 supporters in this small, rundown farming town on the barren veld about 200km southwest of Johannesburg that he was answering the call of the boers (farmers) and revitalising the Afrikaner Resistance Movement (AWB) to save them from the oppression of the black African National Congress government. "Our country is being run by criminals who murder and rob. This land was the best, and they ruined it all," he cried to strong applause, dabbing the spittle off his beard with a neatly pressed handkerchief. "We are being oppressed again. We will rise again."

Who cares about the Afrikaner farmers at all? Has anyone stepped up to the plate to defend the Afrikaners? Is not the campaign of ethnic cleansing being waged against the Afrikaners worthy of condemnation? If he is indeed a Nazi, what has been his death toll? And if we are all pious opponents of his alleged Nazism, what has been the death toll of our disgraceful silence?

If South Africa's White minority is driven out, it will ultimately be its Black majority that will suffer. If the blind eyes that are now turned to the bleeding Afrikaners do not open now, they will open to scenes of famine as are now seen in Zimbabwe.
The curtain of silence that keeps the suffering of the Boers from international view is a blot of shame upon our generation. It is time for our silence to end.

Published by: http://afrikanerbroadcasting.blogspot.com

Buffoona Buffoona: Do we even need a coach?

Out to lunch
David Bullard

Soccer..... I have been paying attention to press reports recently and notice that it's been much in the local news lately because the coach (who struggles by on about R1.5m a month) has been given his marching orders. He was apparently a foreign chappie who couldn't speak any of our 11 official languages which might have made life a bit difficult I guess. Still, one and a half bar a month isn't to be sniffed at.

Obviously somebody appointed him to the job and I guess that must have been SAFA and the general assemblage of vacuous blazers that make up that organisation. So it's actually their fault because you've got to be a complete anagram of a Danish king to appoint someone with no previous experience of international coaching and who can't speak any of the languages to a job paying that much. Apparently SAFA were acting on the recommendation of a previous coach who also could hardly speak any intelligible language and had a similar lack of success with the local squad. He pushed off home to be at his sick wife's bedside but not before he had also helped himself to large amounts of our moolah. Shades of SAA about all this don't you think?

So now we're looking for a new coach to bring the team that is currently at number 85 in the world (didn't know there were that many countries that played football) up to speed a mere few months before we host the FIFA World Cup. Well, I'm no soccer expert but it ain't going to happen because the problem isn't just the coach, it's the players. Put bluntly, they're not very good at doing the job they are being paid to do. Which means that they are proud South Africans because our peculiar economic system encourages the employment of people who are incapable of doing what they are paid to do on condition that they pass the melanin test. If we had an all white national football squad we might actually win a game but the ANC wouldn't like it. But then again they complained bitterly about the whiteness of our national rugby team until they won the world cup. Then they were all over them like a bad rash because they realised there might be some money in it for them. If we continue to insist on racial demographics in sport and business then we are doomed to mediocrity. Winning nations appoint the best person for the job.

The question that puzzles me is why we need a coach at all. It's been demonstrated that an orchestra will continue to play without a conductor and that newspapers still get produced even when the editor spends most of his time in a bar. So why do we need a coach? What does he do anyway for R1.5m? Surely the team members know that the ball is the thing they are supposed to kick, have a rough idea of the rules of the game and know which goal post to aim for. Apart from energetically chewing gum, pacing the borders of the pitch and yelling encouragement in a language that none of the players understand it seems that Mr Santana had a pretty easy job. Dare I suggest Kirsten that I could have done the same for a fraction of the cost and been a damn sight more entertaining.

Quite honestly it doesn't matter who is appointed as coach to the national soccer squad because the money is so good that it's of no concern if the team win anything ever again. For one and half million a month I also wouldn't give a toss about the result. On the other hand it is going to be very embarrassing when we make the record books for being the first country ever to host the World Cup to be eliminated in the first round. That's going to really give the nation a sense of pride isn't it?

Armed security guards, bulletproof vests for Germany's 2010 World Cup players

Germany's 2010 World Cup stars were reportedly warned on Wednesday to expect to wear bulletproof vests if they venture away from the team hotel at next year's tournament in South Africa.

The head of Leverkusen-based security firm BaySecur, which looks after the German Football Federation (DFB) and their guests when the national team plays away from Germany, says their stars like Michael Ballack must take extra care in South Africa.

BaySecur is one of the firms expected to be employed by the DFB while the team is involved in the tournament, which runs from June 11 until July 11 when the final will be held at Johannesburg's Soccer City stadium.

"The possibility for the players of moving outside of the hotel boundaries should be kept to a minimum," BaySecur's Guenter Schnelle told German magazine Sport-Bild.

"Otherwise there must be a full escort: armed security guards and bulletproof vests for the players."

However, the Star on Thursday reported that it had contacted Schnelle on Wednesday, and he claimed the journalist who wrote the article had "invented" the comments.

"He denied ever discussing bulletproof vests and bodyguards with the journalists and said he had been dragged over the coals for what emerged in the media," the Star reported.

According to Business Day, "Treasurer of the German Football Federation and the CEO of Germany's 2006 Fifa World Cup organising committee Horst R Schmidt said in a statement forwarded by South Africa's local organising committee that the BaySecur spokesperson was not speaking on behalf of the DFB.

The DFB is already looking to step up security around the team hotel in Pretoria for the World Cup.

Because of high crime rates in the South Africa, the DFB are taking no risks with security, says their security boss Helmut Spahn, and are looking to recruit 20 extra security guards for the team's stay at their five-star accommodation.

Private bodyguards will protect the players both within and around the Velmore Grande hotel in Gauteng.

"We will probably use more personnel than we would normally have," said Spahn, who will spend four days in South Africa next week looking at security arrangements.

"We need to first of all get an idea of what security arrangements are already in place for both the team and the media.

"Then we will decide then whether to improve the security measures or whether they are sufficient."

According to Spahn, there is little chance the DFB will rely only on local security guards in South Africa and Germany's federal police force is already in discussions with the DFB on the issue.

Armed gang hits Joburg bakery

A group of at least 10 armed men held up Fournos Bakery in Dunkeld West, Johannesburg, on Sunday afternoon.

The robbers arrived at about midday, and took wallets and cellphones from patrons and employees. They also took all the money from the cash registers.

This is the third bakery robbery in about seven months, said employee André Human, 22.

André van der Westhuizen, 38, from Linden, arrived at the Dunkeld West shopping mall along with his wife, Debra, and their 17-month-old baby boy, Andrew, while the robbery was taking place.

"We'd wanted to buy a few things for a picnic. When I opened the door after we'd parked, a man pressed a firearm against my body. I said I want to get my child. He said: "Quickly, quickly."

"I took the child and left the keys in the car. We ran to the opposite side of the road," said Van der Westhuizen.

The robbers took their Honda Jazz.

"They were probably looking for a getaway car. I'm shocked. It feels strange. I'm happy that everyone's safe," he said.

A waiter, who wanted to remain anonymous, said a robber had approached him and pointed a gun at him.

"He said: 'Son of a bitch. Where's the money?' Obviously I was scared." The robber also took the money from his apron.

A security guard, Themba Mkwanazi, said the robbers told other people in the centre to go to the bakery and then lie down on the floor.

"I was lying flat. I was scared. They held out plastic bags for people to put their cellphones in. They also asked for wallets. All that took about six minutes, he said.

Police spokesperson Lungelo Dlamini said no shots were fired, but a client was assaulted. The robbers fled in three cars. - Beeld

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