Friday, October 28, 2011

List Mondays- Top 10 Fashion

I am currently off school revising for my 13 mocks and 1 real GCSE exams over the next week (wish me luck!) so excuse this quick and easy List Monday post on my top 10 blogs.

Obviously I have loads of favourites but these are the big must read ones of mine which I try to check out daily and were the ones that inspired me to start blogging in the first place.
You have probably heard of all of them (I think of them as the big shots in the fashion blogging world haha)

Needless to say they are extremely popular and unique fashion blogs:

1. The Sartorialist
2. The Cherry Blossom Girl
3. Stockholm Street Style
4. Sea of Shoes
5. Le Blog De Betty
6. Style Rookie
7. Garance Dore 8. Jak and Jil 9. Igor and Andre
10. Karlas Closet

I will probably come back to this and add a bit of information about why they are my favourite but I have to get back to some physics revision so ta ta for now.

Monday, September 12, 2011

Nkosi in English

An Idiot's Guide to Singing The SA National Anthem

Malema ready for war against chickens, hunger, after economic war

 
The ANC Youth League says it is already planning what to wage war against once it has won Julius Malema’s “economic war” against white capital in South Africa, with strategists predicting a total onslaught against the few chickens that will survive the economic meltdown. “We’ll fight anything, really, as long as it keeps us in the headlines,” said one planner.

Malema’s threats, drafted by the ANCYL’s Bureau for Frightening White People So As To Get Into The Sunday Papers, called for South Africa’s landless poor to confiscate whites’ property, and described whites as criminals.

This morning the landless poor said they had heard Malema’s call to arms but remained ambivalent.

“Look, we know he’s just a self-enriching megalomaniac with a nifty turn of phrase,” explained Downtrodden Dube, who has lived in a milk carton since 1974. “But to be honest we’d rather have a self-enriching megalomaniac punting our cause than the usual sound of crickets you get when you mention economic transformation.”

However, the ANCYL denied that it was simply grandstanding.

We are going to take back all the land that is historically ours,” explained spokesman Zanu Phosa. “Mostly in Sandton and Cape Town’s Atlantic seaboard.”

He said that the second phase of the economic war would be to take back “all the luxury German cars that were stolen from our people by the Dutch and British colonialists in the 17th and 18th Centuries”.

When it was suggested to Phosa that a Zimbabwe-style confiscation of white-owned land – and the inevitable flight of white capital – would hurt poor black South Africans far more than whites, he said that “there are always casualties in war, even in a fake vote-buying war”.

"If we have to starve a million blacks to mildly inconvenience a hundred whites, then that is a sacrifice we are willing to make,” he said.

He added that plans were already in place to launch a massive strike against any chickens that survived the future economic meltdown, as part of a war against stabbing hunger pains.

“For too long chickens have strutted around uneaten, flaunting their feathery tendencies,” he said. “But the day is coming when they will pay for their arrogance, when 50-million starving people come for them.”

He said once the chickens and hunger pains had been defeated, the League would declare war on international aid agencies for delivering emergency maize rations in “racist white sacks”, before finally declaring war on the flies that gathered on the lips of the League’s surviving cadres.

Source: hayibo.com

Saturday, September 3, 2011

South Africa Falling Into Decay



By Mike Wilson
South Africa – the name conjures up visions of white colonialism, riches of diamonds and gold, beautiful cities, beautiful people, rich farmlands and technical innovation.

A strong and vibrant country with a modern army and air force and an air of expectancy, handed down from Afrikaner father to son, that their land would be the greatest in the whole continent.



Well it does to me and this is what the country used to be like when I lived there 40 years ago. Johannesburg was a thriving metropolis of great buildings and the frenzied rush of people going about their affairs much like any other major city in the world.

It was such a powerhouse of people, ideas and innovations and the strong Boer mentality over rode all.

Today Johannesburg appears to be a run down shanty town with decrepit buildings, boarded up windows, filthy garbage riddled streets and squalor everywhere.

What happened?

 


The infamous pass laws were rescinded in the early 90’s and the black man took over the country.

This utopia, this land of riches, this gemstone in the crown of the continent is now like so many other African nations, a struggling mix of different tribes coming to terms with life in the 21st century.

Unfortunately for these black Africans, they have not been able to rise above tribal culture and are cursed with a background that has not reached the stage which would enable them to mentally grasp all the requirements that are needed to administer a complex and busy country.

From being the underdog to being the dominant force today has created major schisms within the overall South African society.

There is an ongoing payback mentality that encourages blacks to take from the whites in many different ways. In one way the houses of white people are regularly burgled and effects stolen. This is not done covertly and gangs of blacks regularly threaten households. In another way there is what is now called ‘Black Empowerment’ or BEE where blacks are given preference over whites for available jobs. This stupid practice gives the unskilled African peasant direct involvement in manning the infrastructure support that runs the country. As a consequence the major power supply company Eskom is unable to maintain its equipment as most of the trained skilled white staff are no longer employed. This has caused frequent power supply problems so that they had to rely on power shedding or in other words maintaining power to select parts of their industry rather than all consumers who need it.

The current youth leader of the ANC, Julius Malema, keeps telling his followers to kill the Boer, one man one bullet. He has recently been found guilty of inciting racial hatred and fined 50,000 Rand for his troubles. Not that this has changed his tactic one iota and on a recent trip to Zimbabwe he went out of his way to repeat the phrase to all who would listen.

Over 3,000 white farmers have been murdered since the ANC took over in a deliberate government policy to get whites to give up their land. From being a rich farming country under white rule South Africa now faces the prospect of importing food to feed the masses. Many whites claim that there is now a policy of genocide levelled against Boer farmers as a result of the ANC policy to grab land. This is the same process that started in Zimbabwe and will have the same result.

On a recent trip to Zimbabwe there were talks between Mugabe and Malema on how to take over the remaining land still in the hands of white minorities. Now there is also talk of the mining industry which made SA very rich, being nationalised for the benefit of the black politicians.

Law and order is a thing of the past now. There is no law of protection for whites and no laws for the blacks to abide by. Even Jacob Zuma the current leader of the ANC had a number of rape and corruption charges levelled against him by the then law and order anti- corruption team called the Scorpions. The ANC had an easy answer to all this, they simply disbanded the unit and the charges were dropped!

In fact many of the black policemen supposedly upholding what little law and order is left, are themselves involved in burglarising, raping and armed robberies. The number of deaths of whites has been unrecorded although the litany of deaths occurs on a daily basis.

Many people felt that with the advent of black rule and empowerment blacks and whites would be able to sit together and maintain a strong and prosperous country that would continue to be the envy of Sub Saharan Africa. Today the situation is so bad that the country is becoming another Zimbabwe and whites are powerless to stop it but can only look on in horror as their once great country crumbles about them.

Due to the political process of giving to the black at the expense of the white there are now 450,000 white people living below the poverty line in shanty towns around the country. The majority of these people are from Afrikaans backgrounds who would normally be the underclass looking after fairly menial jobs, railway workers, cleaners etc. Since those jobs are now taken by blacks these unfortunate men, women and children have no recourse but to become part of the homeless generation, forgotten by more affluent whites as well as the black government. Even some soup kitchens that were set up by well minded individuals have been closed by bureaucrats who say that the whites must fend for themselves. It’s only the help from other whites that keeps these unfortunate people with some form of subsistence.

White liberalism is to blame for the problems affecting South Africa and the fall of the white Governments pre 1994. The world saw a country with blacks being oppressed and demanded change for the betterment of the black population. Just like Rhodesia several years earlier. Today, who has benefited from these changes? Certainly not the blacks as the majority of them are now far worse off than ever they were under white rule. Again, the classic example is Zimbabwe under the megalomaniac Mugabe who has robbed his country blind whilst 98% of his followers still live in shantytowns without the benefits of modern civilisation and in abject poverty.

Every one of the ruling politicians in South Africa lives a life of wealth and privilege, with the latest cars, biggest houses in the best suburbs etc., yet their followers are very much worse off than they were when the whites ruled the country.

Apart from the trashing of cities which have become sleazy rubbish dumps the hospital services are almost non existent. It’s hard to accept that the country that pioneered the first heart transplant under Dr. Christian Barnard has now a run down medical service which once used to be the envy of the world.

Everything about the country today smacks of total incompetence with inmates running the asylum for the rest of the inmates who just have no idea what is going on.

The murder of Eugene Terreblanche may be just the last nail in the coffin of apathy that has affected the white liberals in this broken country.

Indeed, apathy is probably the correct word to describe how the rest of the world views this former nation. It just seems that the power brokers amongst civilised nations are just sitting on the sidelines waiting for the continent to implode before they go back in perhaps 40 years time or so, and pick up the pieces once more. Although by that time the Chinese will have probably got in first and blacks will have a far stronger, stricter and nastier overseer than the whites ever were.

Friday, September 2, 2011

Julius Malema protesters target Zuma

PRESIDENT Jacob Zuma became the target of the mayhem caused by Julius Malema supporters outside the ANC’s Luthuli House head office in Johannesburg yesterday. ... The rowdy crowd burnt T-shirts with Zuma's face and some ANC flags - with some of the protesters carrying posters that called Zuma a "rapist and a Polokwane disaster".

The chanting crowd also identified Zuma as their "enemy".

The green paper on land seizure and private property rights in SA

By Anthea Jeffery

‘Green monster’ could wreck property rights in South Africa 

The green paper on land reform, finally made public on 31st August 2011, is part of a new assault on the Constitution and the rule of law.


On the same day as the green paper was released, the deputy minister of correctional services, Mr Ngoako Ramatlhodi, let the cat out of the bag when he said the African National Congress (ANC) had made ‘fatal concessions’ at the time of the political transition. Given the balance of forces at the time (including the collapse of the Soviet Union), it had accepted a Constitution which ‘emptied the legislature and executive of real political power’ and ‘immigrated (sic) the little power left [to them] to civil society and the Judiciary’. [The Times 1 September 2010]

Mr Ramatlhodi seems to forget that the 1996 Constitution was drafted by an elected constituent assembly dominated by the ANC. In addition, it reflects a very wide-ranging consensus that the new South Africa should be a constitutional democracy in which Parliament and the Cabinet would have to act in accordance with constitutional principles and provisions, failing which both law and executive action could be set aside by a Constitutional Court charged with the task of upholding the Constitution at all times.

Already the ANC has white-anted the Constitution in various ways, and particularly via its strategy of cadre deployment. The green paper on land reform goes much further, for it seeks to oust the jurisdiction of the courts in two key spheres

  • in determining the amount of compensation payable on the expropriation of land, a task it gives to a state official (a new valuer-general) in place of the courts;

  • in deciding whether title to land should be ‘invalidated’, a job it gives to a state bureaucracy (a new land management commission).


The green paper also seeks to empower this commission to ‘seize or confiscate land gotten by fraudulent or corrupt means’. The meaning of this criterion is unclear, but the green paper perhaps supplies a hint when it suggests that land acquired in the colonial and apartheid era was lost to black people ‘through force or deceit’.

The green paper also suggests that more and more land will come under state ownership. First, by introducing ceilings on land in private ownership, it implicitly requires commercial farmers with more land than the maximum to dispense with the ‘excess’. The State could decide to expropriate ‘excess’ land at valuations decided by the valuer-general. Even if this does not occur, many farmers might find themselves obliged to divest themselves of ‘excess’ land at the same time, which will flood the market and drive prices down. Since the only buyer to whom the ceilings will not apply will be the Government, the State will be able to take advantage of artificially low prices to buy up large tracts of land.

In addition, land already belonging to the State will no longer be available for sale to private owners, while those wishing to farm on it will have to be content with leasehold tenure. The case of Ms Veronica Moos shows how insecure such tenure could be. For Ms Moos was an emergent farmer who was illegally evicted from her leasehold land by former agriculture and land affairs minister Ms Lulu Xingwana, who arbitrarily decided that Ms Moos was not using the land well enough, even though inspection showed it to be well maintained and modestly productive.

Moreover, land in communal areas will not be available for sale to individuals either. Instead it will remain in communal ownership, although people living on it may in time acquire ‘institutionalised use rights’ of uncertain content. Communal land will thus remain in public ownership, while land owned by foreigners who breach new conditions of title will be forfeit to the Government and is likely to end up in state ownership too.

The upshot is that more and more land will be owned by the Government – and that more and more people will occupy land at the pleasure of the State. Instead of helping black South Africans to experience the security of land ownership, the ANC seems intent on preventing them from ever acquiring this foundation for economic and political independence.

People outside the agricultural sector might see the green paper as posing problems for farmers alone, but this is a mistake. The green paper uses the emotive land issue to bypass the Judiciary and establish a new norm: that the amount of compensation payable on expropriation can be decided by a state official (the valuer-general) and that title to land can be set aside by a new bureaucratic body, the land management commission.

Once this norm has taken root, there will be little to prevent it being extended to mines, banks, firms, shares, or any other asset.

Sunday, August 21, 2011

The Trouble With Blacks


“I’m not a racist, but…”
It is how most conversations with a Londoner start when discussing the prevailing ethnic—and specifically black—issue. Make no mistake, an issue it is, as the recent rioting across Britain proves. Look at the areas affected. Look at the instigators. Look at the feral aggression. Look at the jewelry, the designer goods, the cell-phone and sneaker stores looted. Look at the faces of those arrested. I think the demographic—in spite of reflexive attempts by broadcasters and the liberal left to play it down—is pretty clear. The majority of thugs out on the street are black. Quelle surprise. Oh yes, there will be the platitudes and excuses, the talk of poverty and deprivation and disenchantment and social exclusion. As one rioter put it: “We is protestin’ by thievin’.” And it is all utter bullshit. Yet you will never find a politician or self-appointed community leader with the balls and bottle to say it as it is, to break the taboo, to speak it out aloud. So let me spell it out for everyone — THE BLACKS HAVE A PROBLEM.

Only they would tell you that raw criminality is somehow a political act of defiance. Only they could shift the cause for their pillaging and arson to the system that apparently invites it—after all, a department store can seem so bright and shiny and provoking. Sure, many Afro-Caribbean citizens are law-abiding, but many also—including a vast percentage of young black males—are not. Check the statistics. Indeed, blacks carry out the majority of London street crime and two-thirds of firearms offenses. And the excuses come thick and fast.

Few play the blame game or point-the-finger exercise quite so avidly as the black community. Few have evolved such an advanced culture of victimhood from which their overdeveloped sense of grievance and entitlement has grown. They have the same education and opportunity as anyone else, but—oh no—they are special, are downtrodden, are misunderstood. We must atone and respect (or “respek”) them because they exist. Because of their gangsta rap. Because their young men wear hoods or carry knives or manage to walk in a menacing pimp roll. Funny, I always thought respect had to be earned. How white, outmoded, and middle-class of me.

Pervading all is the attitude that it is not their fault and never ever their responsibility. Should a young black be excluded from school, it is not because he is lazy, disruptive, or stupid, but because the education system is against him. Should the police stop him, it is not because he acts suspiciously or his kind commits most robberies, but because the police are inherently racist. Should he fail to gain a job, it is absolutely the employer’s fault and not because the applicant was sullen, lippy, and barely house-trained. So it goes on. And on and on. Complaint rather than effort and attainment has become the cultural norm. The liberal apologists are ever there to explain away and facilitate the mindset. Just like Muslims who will not accept jihadi extremists draw on the Islamic faith or environmentalists who cannot admit population growth is a key root of global warming, so few in the black community—even when the evidence is plain, even when the police run Operation Trident directly to tackle black gun crime—will put up their hands and say with honesty: “We have a problem and it is our own fault and our responsibility.”

To utter such words would be construed as heresy, would be to stray from the adopted liberal-left consensus that every ill, every crime, every mishap within the black community is due to slavery and oppression by the whites. No matter slavery in Britain was abolished in 1833—we must still suffer the rage and allow plasma-screen televisions and top-of-the-range footwear to be looted from a burning store.

Welfare has institutionalized the belief in something-for-nothing, the attitude that the state will provide and pick up the pieces, the bill, and the broken glass and replace work and absent fathers with ready cash and immediate housing. No point in parenting when someone else will do it for you. It is fine to smash a shop front when insurance or the taxpayer will help the owners restock. It is fine to ruin a livelihood when you have no concept of earning. It is fine to take something that is not yours when it is on display and your gut and jungle logic tells you to possess it. This is what the sixty-year experiment in state handouts has achieved. The work is available if the indigenous black population seeks it. Indeed, Britain brings in tens of thousands of Gambians and Ghanaians and other migrants to staff hospitals and care homes and fill a “labor shortage” that does not exist. In accepting that Afro-Caribbeans have not needed to work, we have entrenched them in their postcode gangs and their ghetto. Softly, softly, the police and social services have gone. Regard the situation.

Education used to be the way up and the way out. No more. A generation of blacks feels no need, does not see the point, has no fathers or family to kick their backsides and tell them to strive. After all, it is so much easier to smoke ganja, to shoplift, to snatch a purse or bag, to hold a knife to a throat and rape a “bitch.” If all they are told is that they are the victims, the Earth’s rightful inheritors, and that cash can be generated without much effort, then they will follow their peers and the path of least resistance. The young offender institutions are full of them. Certainly there are doctors and lawyers and accountants in the black community, but they are few and scattered, and their middle class lacks depth and robustness. The knock-on is lack of aspiration.

What is left is a misplaced emphasis on street culture and the Afro-Caribbean way. Forgive me, but if what I had brought to British life was goat curry, carnival floats, crack cocaine, violence, and hip-hop, I would not be that proud. There are good people out there, people who strive and struggle and do their best. But they are undermined by both white and black apologists, by acceptance of indiscipline and of felony as occupational right, by a conspiracy of silence that prevents open debate. I have not heard a single BBC reporter say the word “black.” The situation would be absurd were it not so serious and the problems so deep.

The black American comedian Chris Rock once declared: “On one side, there’s black people. On the other, you’ve got niggers. The niggers have got to go. I love black people, but I hate niggers.” If the Afro-Caribbeans in London do not themselves confront and address the embedded flaws in their outlook and society, such things will be said with hatred and not laughter.

As for future riots—and they will come—the political class will continue to talk soothingly of “British” policing when all we really require is effective policing. Personally, I did not vote to allow London to become Jamaica’s brutal cockpit. I will thus be leaving my front door wide open and scattering a trail of glittering objects and designer wares to entice the raiders to my home. And I will be waiting for them. Then we can play.

Source

Saturday, August 6, 2011

School-leavers fully prepared for unemployment, says Education Department

The national Department of Education has hailed as a “runaway success” more than a decade of outcomes-based education, theoretical cul-de-sacs, wholesale cooking of results and being held hostage by robber-barons posing as teachers’ unions, saying that school-leavers are finally being adequately prepared for a lifetime of unemployment.


This morning Suxtobiyu Khumalo, head of the department’s Committee for Planning Potential Education Outcomes That Result Potentially from Planning By Committee, said that South Africa could now consider itself a world leader in providing school-leavers with the critical lack of non-skills they needed to be competitively uncompetitive in today’s over-saturated unemployment market.

“Like the academically disinclined 22-year-old in Matric, our motto is: If at first you don’t succeed, try, try again,” said Khumalo. “You know, like the national education policy for the last five years: do the same thing every year and hope for exponentially improving results, and when those don’t happen, do the same thing again, except this time make disappointed comments in the Sunday newspapers before you get redeployed as Deputy Minister of Forestry.”

According to Khumalo, the Committee’s research had concluded that traditional education was too focussed on equipping students for productive, professional careers.

“Everybody knows that unemployment is a growth industry at the moment, and if you’re going to get in on the ground floor – or in the gutter, where many of our finest graduates now find themselves – you’ve got to plan accordingly.”

He said that as a result, most schoolchildren in South Africa were now placed in “post-school simulation scenario role-play simulations – did I already say ‘simulation’?”

“We provide a totally realistic model of their careers as unemployed people,” he explained. “They sit in dark, overcrowded rooms, and are sporadically shouted at, ordered around or molested by people in leadership positions.”

He said many graduates had written to him, often in soot scribbled on UIF forms, thanking him for preparing them for the realities of modern South Africa.

“At least I think they were thanking me,” he said. “Or maybe they were asking for medical attention and emergency rations. That’s the great thing about Outcomes-based Education: you can totally make up your own mind about stuff.”

Source

Malema: I just wanted to feel what it was like to be white

The ANC Youth League says that weekend revelations about Julius Malema’s trust fund were not a surprise to them and that they shouldn’t have come as a surprise to anyone else. “Julius lives according to an ancient Pedi custom which says you shouldn’t judge a man until you have strolled a stretch in his sandals,” said spokesperson Fistful Mdala. “He is just trying to experience what it is like to be white.”

Mdala added that aside from the trust fund, Malema had also acquired a farm so that he could research the pros and cons of land grabs from both sides.

“It might look bad now,” said Mdala, “But this way when Julius puts his arm around the shoulders of a farmer who has just had his land seized by a 20 year old war veteran, and tells him that he knows how it feels, he really will know.”

Mdala said that aside from the trust fund and the farm, Malema had been exploring several other white tendencies that the paper had failed to report.
“Julius also has a maid called Gladys who comes on Tuesdays and Thursdays. He hangs out at organic markets on Saturday’s, watches rugby and wears veldskoens. ”

He added that Malema had toyed with the idea of living in a squat in Wimbledon for a while to ensure that he got the complete ‘white experience’ but that in the end he had not been that desperate to get the full experience.
When it was explained that having the Trust Fund was not the issue – that it was rather a case of where the money came from – Mdala said, “Exactly!”

He added, “We have no issue with the privately educated white youth, who take gap years between their gap years instead of calling themselves unemployed and similarly nobody should take issue with future President Malema for being similarly comfortable.

“The problem is with the dads and granddads, who exploited the poor black masses to make their fortunes.”
He said that in this regard the Youth League were delighted that Malema had mimicked the white experience perfectly.
Meanwhile asked to offer an adult opinion on the matter the ANC said that trust funds were standard procedure for high ranking members who were not elected. “It’s why we like being in an alliance with the SACP and COSATU,” said spokesperson Luscious Mpundu.
“For each position one of them fills, there’s another one of us in the queue at Capitec waiting to open a family trust.”

He said it was common knowledge within the ANC that it was far more profitable to operate from an unelected position.
“What good is influence and populist rhetoric if you don’t back it up with a trust fund?” he asked.

Source

Sunday, July 31, 2011

Our national anthem ought to be “Send in the Clowns”.


By David Bullard

These days I find myself standing back , shaking my head and having a quiet chuckle at the many economic problems South Africa faces. I’ve even been known to silently mouth the words “told you so”. I realise this is not a good thing but I think it’s got something to do with age and the fourteen odd years I spent “farting against thunder” as a newspaper columnist. I was re-reading my first book, Out to Lunch, which was published almost ten years ago, and what I was writing about then I am still writing about today. Nothing has changed. We have learnt nothing and we still seem set on a course of self destruction. We are the Amy Winehouse of global economies.

Of course, pointing this sort of thing out inevitably leads to one being labelled a “racist” which is the predictable reaction one can expect from people too stupid to debate important issues. Launch into an attack on our government’s economic non-performance and you’re bound to be accused of wanting the black man to fail/not believing that the black man is entitled to wealth/not having made the transition to a new South Africa etc etc. It’s the biggest load of horse shit you can imagine but what more can you expect when first world thinking has to co-exist with the majority of a country still stuck in the middle ages? Because, let’s be brutally honest here, we may be the Cradle of Mankind but the early settlers certainly didn’t stumble across anything approaching a sophisticated and developed society (over to Biko Lives). After all, why invent the wheel when you don’t plan on going anywhere?

However, the confusion comes when a country like South Africa pretends that it wants to play with the big boys in the global playground but doesn’t have the stomach for it. Our latest and, to date, most embarrassing example is the way our government is treating the Walmart deal. Having eventually given a qualified go ahead for the US retailing giant to invest in SA it seems as though our Economic Development (sic) Minister Ebrahim Patel has changed his mind and now wants to put a permanent stain on Walmart’s reputation. This means that, even if the deal does come off, it will always have a taint. One wonders how a buffoon like Patel can hold such an important position but nothing surprises me these days. Most of those holding high office in this country I wouldn’t trust to put bread in a toaster without fucking it up. Our national anthem ought to be “Send in the Clowns”.

I heard on the radio last week that foreign investment had fallen 70% in the past year. Is it any wonder when we are so hostile to anyone who comes knocking on our door keen to do business? But is there any point in any of us suffering high blood pressure because of this? Absolutely not. The best course is to hedge your bets by getting money offshore and to significantly reduce the amount you pay to the taxman. If you have a small business here then wind it down before it gets seized, taxed or legislated out of existence. Why would anyone want to deal with a lazy and uncommitted unionised workforce and a government openly hostile to capitalism?

Forget all the bullshit about the ANC wanting to create jobs. That’s just a guilt trip being laid on the dwindling minority of the economically active. The government’s task is to create an environment conducive to job creation and economic prosperity. They’re clearly too dumb to understand that so why on earth would private enterprise want to try and help when it’s quite clear that the government is going to screw them over?

If you run a hospital you tend to put people with medical experience and knowledge in key positions. If you run a university, hopefully you would appoint well respected academics (although that clearly doesn’t apply at some of our Universities so it’s not a great example) as heads of faculties. When you run a country you would hope that people who have some experience or understanding of the business world would be given key cabinet positions but that doesn’t happen. Instead we have a clutch of luxury car driving halfwit Commies with lunatic ideas who simply cannot grasp the fact that we are sailing merrily on to failed nation status and are deaf to advice.

Link: http://www.NewsTime.co.za

Friday, July 29, 2011

South Africa "just another country" in Africa

There are lots of South African articles doing the rounds, this is one of the best.

I have always tried to understand why Africa has not prospered with all the mineral wealth and available labour. This is without a doubt the most plausible explanation for me. I do hope I am completely wrong.


I expect, like me, you are aware that there has never been a prosperous black-led country, but perhaps it’s just because of “bad luck”, or whatever, for that incontrovertible fact.

Take Haiti as an example. Before the black slaves revolted and killed all the whites and half castes Haiti had a GNP greater than most of what is now the USA . It supplied 60% of all the sugar used in Europe. Today it is a wasteland. Apparently if you Google Earth the place you see is a sere, brown coloured landscape compared to the neighbouring Dominican Republic which is green and verdant. Twice the USA has occupied Haiti , building roads, ports, hospitals and schools while putting in a functional society. The moment the Americans left they reverted to dictatorship, voodoo, witchcraft, corruption and barbarism. They did not stagnate, they regressed to the primitive savagery of their forefathers

Since the 1960s, when the Congo expelled the Belgians this has been a mirror of African regression, moving steadily southwards until the example of Zimbabwe . Once a prosperous, well educated exporter of food the population now eat rats to survive.

Will SA go the same way?

There are those optimists who say “No, we have such a strong economy, such sophisticated infrastructure, such a talent pool, that we can never sink”.

My belief is that they have not considered the root cause of Africa’s failure. A cause that is not spoken about as it is fearfully politically incorrect, and probably illegal to speak about. That cause is the deficiencies of the black ”mentality”, for want of a better word.

Are there differences between races, or is race just a meaningless social construct? Until recently, I believed all races were the same under the skin variations, and that perceived differences were only the result of cultural differences. I believed in a common and equal humanity.

But things did not always ring true, observable anomalies were inexplicable if all men are the same.

Why, under apartheid, did the Indians prosper, become doctors, scientists, educators, merchants and professionals while the vast majority of the equally oppressed black Africans remained hewers of wood?

Why can black Africans run, jump and throw better than honkies, but why, out of a billion of them, have they never invented a single thing of any worth? Why have they, collectively, contributed absolutely nothing to the advancement of humanity.
Well the physical thing, the running, throwing bit is easily and uncontroversial answered. Simple, people of African descent (especially the Jamaicans) are genetically better equipped in this regard. Their muscle fibres are different and the typically have 15% more free testosterone than other peoples. Acknowledging this is regarded as racism. Unfortunately, racist or not, that is proven and a fact. Google it and you will find that for over 70 years, in test after test, done by dozens of university professors and Nobel laureates plus USA government studies, most people of African descent trail other races by a wide margin.

Of course I.Q. tests have been attacked, especially by those who perform badly at them, as one might expect them to do. Detractors claim cultural bias, dysfunctional families, past oppression, poor schooling and a host of other reasons for poor black performance, but the professors defend their contention that I.Q. is largely an inherited trait; that differences are inherent, built into a person’s inherited DNA.

For every argument attacking the validity of these tests they have a host of results confirming their accuracy and typicality. Fascinating stuff if you are interested in reading up on it.

The effect of high/low I.Q. has also been studied in depth, with fairly predictable results. Low I.Q. individuals performed badly in social class, family stability, income, educational levels, illegitimate pregnancy, single parent families, rate of prison incarceration, rape, violent crime etc. etc. etc.

I.Q. measurement measures different facets of intelligence and mental competence. Sadly it is in the absolutely vital sphere of cognitive ability that blacks score worst. This means they score abysmally in things like forward planning and anticipating the consequences of their actions.

It is this I.Q. (and testosterone) disparity that is blamed for the fact that African Americans are 5 times more likely to be imprisoned than white (including Hispanic) Americans, 9 times more likely than Americans of Asiatic descent. All in line with I.Q. distributions.

Once imprisonment for violent crimes are computed the numbers become stratospheric. These are American government collated statistics, so pretty accurate. Our government in SA do not, for obvious reasons, publish similar stats, but a pound to a pinch of salt they are even more astounding.

So why the lecture on I.Q.?

Well for a start you must understand that our ruling party are voted into power by a largely moronic plebiscite. I choose the word moronic intentionally. If the cut off point for moronic is an I.Q. of 70, half the voting population would be classified as such.

Only one in 40 black South Africans achieves the average I.Q. of his white fellow citizens. One in a hundred have the I.Q. to achieve university entrance requirements. That is why only one in ten blacks pass our dumbed down Matric (with a pass percentage of 30% in many cases). One in 6000 black grade one learners will pass Matric with both Maths and Science.

Simply put, they are bloody stupid, and they rule us. Furthermore Zoooooma says they will rule us until the second coming. I believe him.

This explains why the ANC have such idiots in their positions of power and influence, the likes of Zuma, Malema, Khomphela and Cele. They are, unfortunately, the best they have! Well, they are the best blacks they have. All the critical positions in government are held by Indians, coloureds or whites, something I am grateful for but which pisses Malema off big time .

Will this last? I doubt it. The black/white polarisation is growing and the rhetoric is becoming more extreme. Listen to the pub or workplace chatter, read the blogs and comments sections of the newspapers and it becomes obvious. Whites are gatvol at the waste, corruption and stupidity of the black elite. Blacks are demanding, as their right, the wealth of the whites by means of redistribution of assets. No matter that they have not worked for those assets, they claim them as the spoils of war.

Just in the past week the Mayor of Pretoria, Malema, a minister and Winnie have gone on record as blaming whites for sabotaging redistribution and exploiting blacks. Malema calls out “Kill the boers for they are rapists” to thunderous applause by university students Four influential ANC opinion makers who are echoing the groundswell of mutterings in the ghettoes. The natives are getting restless.


Things are not going to improve. They cannot, there is no reason to believe our slow slide into a failed state can be reversed with our current regime, and there is no prospect whatsoever of there being a change to governance based on meritocracy. Anyone who believes otherwise, or that the ANC can mend their ways, is living in LaLa land. They do not have the intellect.

Like the proverbial frog in the slowly heating pot we have become inured to the slow collapse of our hospitals, schools, courts, water supplies, roads, civil service and service levels. They will become totally dysfunctional shortly. Inevitably so. Those in charge do not have the mental capacity to organise things.

Our economy and Rand is reliant on short term “hot” funds from overseas that can flee at the touch of a computer button, and probably will if our Rand weakens. Conversely we need a weaker Rand to encourage exports.

6 million taxpayers support 12 million recipients of social grants, and that figure is set to rise this year. The National Health Insurance scheme will happen, no matter how unaffordable. That will push our social grant costs up to four hundred billion Rand. Four hundred billion Rand which produces absolutely no product. Inflation is set to stay and worsen. The consequence of being the biggest socialist state on earth. I do not believe the ANC has the intellect to conceptualise how big a billion is, let alone 400 billion, or what effect this will have on the economy.

You do not believe Malema’s call to nationalise the mines? This guy articulates what the hoi polloi are thinking, but the ANC leadership will not say yet. The tactic is to set the bar high, then lower it and the victims will sigh with relief and say it could have been worse. So perhaps it will not be total nationalisation but rather 51%, a’ la Zim. Just look north for revelation, Zuma does.

Who would have believed that this country would ever be headed by an unschooled, rape accused, adulterous, corrupt, sex obsessed bigot like Zuma. Anything is possible with the ANC.

Summary.

You have few years left to enjoy what is left of the glorious SA lifestyle, especially in the Cape , but understand it is not permanent. The end could be sudden as the tipping point is reached, just as it was sudden for those Zim, Zambian, Mozambican or Angolans whites. It could, conceivably, be as bloody as the Hutu/Tutsi uprising when primitive tribal bloodlust overcomes a thin veneer of inculcated civilisation.

Enjoy it while you can, and enjoy it in the Cape where the population mix is more favourable, but be aware that change is inevitable. Your children must get a world class education, because they will not be adults in SA. Get assets stashed offshore, you and your children will need them there.

Wednesday, July 20, 2011

Julius Malema's erectile dysfunction

The antics of Julius Malema may be good for a laugh now but they remind me of the early days of Idi Amin. Young JuJu is already allowed to travel in a car with no number plates with no fear of prosecution. He refuses to give answers to the media as to how he acquired such wealth in such a short time and he may even enjoy special status with the Receiver of Revenue. In the face of overwhelming evidence that he's a sleazebag the ruling party remain silent. Perhaps they have their own plans for JuJu but maybe they are quietly chuckling to themselves and saying "that's my boy". If it's the latter then we really are up shit creek without a paddle. We will look back on 2010 not as the year we hosted the FIFA World Cup but as the year the cancer that destroyed the country was first detected and identified. We've had some low lifes before, and many of them from the ANCYL, but Malema's combination of stupidity, greed and arrogance plus his willingness and ability to lie with a straight face make him a man to be feared. We may be chortling at his antics now but we won't be laughing when his goons start kicking in the heads of his political enemies. If JuJu wants something JuJu gets it so there'll be no argument about the nationalisation of the mines whatever JZ may have said to Gordon Brown. It won't be JZ's government any more so it will have been no lie for him to say that "my government have no plans to nationalise the mines". Things change quickly in Africa and a verbal contract isn't worth the paper it's written on.  


And the media won't fare too well either. JuJu will by that time have declared himself emperor for life and will be throwing huge parties and feeding the likes of Stephen Grootes and Justice Malala to his pet lions and videoing it for YouTube.

If you think Malema is a joke look at his supporters. Are they livid that he has bilked the poor and lives a life of luxury? Of course not. To them he is the man who, along with people like Jimmy Manyi, is finally going to put the whites in their place. These are the chaps whose destiny it is to foment racial hatred. It's only a matter of time before white bank accounts will be frozen and redistributed to the needy. The argument will be typical Malema logic....you can't need the money if you leave it in the bank earning interest. Whites will not be allowed to leave anything to their descendants and white businesses will need to be black owned. No sorry.....my mistake....we already have that one don't we? Rather like the Jews before World War 2, whites will look back and wonder why they never saw it coming. Well they probably did but they were too timid to speak out for fear of being labelled racists.

By David Bullard

Sunday, July 17, 2011

How Apartheid South Africa was unfairly demonized

The Afrikaner, or Boer, people of South Africa were internationally demonized like no other people in history.

The Afrikaners began to settle in South Africa in the 18th century, fleeing religious persecution in Europe. They established two prosperous states which created job opportunities for blacks, who began pouring in from adjacent areas. The United Kingdom unleashed two devastating wars on them — the Anglo-Boer wars. The British used scorched-land methods and invented the concentration camp, in which 15% of Afrikaners from both republics died.

When Afrikaners finally obtained independence, they understood that only a strong Afrikaner state would prevent further massacres. The Republic thus created was not perfect, granted; the blacks, coloreds and Indians were discriminated against. But the world obsessively focused on the Afrikaners’ errors, leaving no stone unturned in their drive to demonize them.

South Africa was uniquely singled out for criticism. Not a word was said about the enslavement of the Pygmies in the Central African republics, yet the public yelled “Apartheid!” every time an Afrikaner showed up at an international event. The Chinese occupation of Tibet concerned no one, but the South African treatment of nonwhites –who enjoyed freedoms Tibetans could never dream of, either then or now– was severely chastised.

Under the Afrikaners, the blacks enjoyed a standard of life far above that of any other African state. By any measure –infant mortality, literacy, life expectancy, you name it– South African blacks were better off than their neighbors — so much so that the latter began to leave their civil-war torn countries for peaceful South Africa.

But not content with taking advantage of the Afrikaner-created wealth, the blacks began a terroristic campaign by the African National Congress that killed thousands. Where was their Gandhi? They bombed public places, mined roads killing innocent civilians and sabotaged productive infrastructure. Although the government reacted to this, most deaths were caused by black-on-black violence. A particularly barbaric murder method was approved of by the wife of Nelson Mandela — the necklacing, a summary execution carried out by forcing a rubber tire, filled with gasoline, around a victim’s chest and arms, and setting it on fire. This was used against opponents in internecine ANC warfare.

The Afrikaners only wanted peace, which was offered multiple times to the blacks. After being met with ever more terrorism, Afrikaners diesngaged from 20 areas that were designated as black homelands. Each of these territories was offered full independence; four of them took it — Transkei, Venda, Bophuthatswana, and Ciskei. But instead of focusing on building their nations, the blacks continued to resort to terror.

Meanwhile, the international community shunned South Africa — but not Saudi Arabia, a theocracy where converts from Islam face capital punishment; or East Germany, where people who tried to leave the country were shot dead; or Kampuchea, where Pol Pot perpetrated a genocide of more than 1 million people. Only South Africa, where less than 2,000 blacks were killed by a government faced with guerrilla warfare, was subjected to UN sanctions — but not Angola, where civil war killed hundreds of thousands.

International hypocrisy peaked in the 70s and 80s. When the South African rugby team (the Springboks) toured Australia in 1971, the leader of the Labour Party, Gough Whitlam, opposed the tour and declared: “Australians should never let an afternoon’s entertainment blind them to a lifetime’s repression for another nation.” This, said by a politician from a country that dispossessed and mostly exterminated its Aboriginal population. Huge and widespread protest also occurred in New Zealand in 1981 against a Springbok tour — that, in a country that committed cultural genocide against the Maoris, whose language is in a terminal state.

An automatic anti-Afrikaner UN majority recommended several times economic sanctions against South Africa, and third world countries were quick and happy to implement them. Even the US disgraced itself by applying economic sanctions it never imposed on far worse human-rights offenders like Mozambique or the Congo. Of course, none of those countries stopped using South African diamonds or gold, which are key to high-tech industries, or performing heart transplants, an Afrikaner-invented medical procedure.

by The Hasbara Buster

Tuesday, June 14, 2011

25 Years After Magoo’s Bar Bombing

On this day 25 years ago in the ANC and Robert McBride’s bomb attack on civilians at Magoo’s Bar on Durban's Marine Parade, three young white women were killed and many bar patrons were wounded when former MK (Umkhonto we Sizwe - the former armed wing of the ANC) operative Robert McBride planted a powerful car bomb outside Magoo's on June 14, 1986

Apart from the three women ‒ Angelique Pattenden, Julie van der Linde and Marchelle Gerand ‒ who died in the bombing, 73 people were wounded in the explosion outside the popular Durban beachfront Magoo's Bar.

In June 1986, McBride taped together more than 100 pounds of explosives, attaching a mine with a 15-minute timer as his trigger, and swaddling this propulsive charge with bags of machine-gun bullets and metal scraps for shrapnel. He secreted his lethal contraption in the spare-wheel well of a powder-blue Ford Cortina, which he parked one Saturday night on a crowded beachfront esplanade in Durban.

The bomber was out of earshot when his device exploded into two busy white bars.
Magoos bar and the nearby "Why Not" bar were targeted because they were believed to be frequented by apartheid security force personnel, who were regarded as legitimate targets in the ANC's armed struggle against the former government. Few, if any, of the victims were members of the security forces.

That was not the first time the ANC had used car bombs and it was not the last time.

McBride and a companion were convicted of the bombing, and McBride was sentenced to execution three times for his part in the attack. A pardon negotiated by Nelson Mandela saved McBride from death row. In 1999 McBride was released and granted amnesty for the Magoo’s Bar terror attack by the TRC due largely to the fact that the ANC claimed it had ordered McBride to attack the pubs, contrary to its initial denials that it was involved in the bombing.

McBride, one of the most famous saboteurs in the furtive military underground of the ANC, then became a diplomat in the new SA government, then was recalled for sexual indiscretions (he sexually abused white female staffers at the Malaysian embassy where he worked). His reward was to be appointed as Police Commissioner for the second largest Urban Metropolitan police force in South Africa... a position from which he was suspended for four years due to a drunk driving charge.

Yet another fine example of a black history maker....

The Constitutional Court recently ruled that 'Bomber' McBride may be called a murderer because of the cold-blooded multiple murders which he committed although he had received amnesty for the incident. But he still stands by the bombing, saying that if he was in the same situation, he would do it again.

So, on this sad anniversary, our thoughts are with the next of kin of those victims who died and the 73 innocent victims who were injured in the deadly blast that night 25 years ago.

The total number of people killed or injured in the 30 years of MK's campaigns is not known exactly. MK launched its first guerrilla attacks against government installations on 16 December 1961 and was subsequently classified as a terrorist organization by the South African government and the United States, and banned. Ten leaders of the ANC were tried for 221 acts of sabotage in the Rivonia Trial.

Details are not available, but it is estimated that the MK High Command co-ordinated over 190 acts of sabotage between October 1961 and July 1963. A study by Tom Lodge of the University of the Witwatersrand estimated that there were 150 MK attacks between 1976 - 1982.


SEE HERE FOR List Of MK Operations

Monday, June 13, 2011

MOB JUSTICE - Innocent Man Bludgeoned to Death

Warning: This video contains graphic scenes of violence.

Surrounded by a jeering mob, a 26-year-old Zimbabwean man was bludgeoned to death in Diepsloot, his horrifying ­final moments captured on a video that thrust South Africa's violence back into the international spotlight. This footage has never been released in South Africa, but made headlines in one of the world’s most influential newspapers.



Farai Kujirichita was still alive when a man in a white cap methodically destroyed his face and skull with a heavy wooden plank. He was probably dead or dying when another man grasped his belt and punched him repeatedly in the groin and a grinning teenage girl raised a large chunk of cement above her head.

His "crime"? - Being Zimbabwean!

His murder in January this year in Diepsloot - a community of 150 000 in northern Johannesburg, where ­instances of mob violence are ­commonplace and growing ever more so - was quickly forgotten. It would have remained that way but for a New York Times Magazine cover story last weekend and the grainy cellphone video of his final moments, excerpts from which were published for the first time on the paper's website.

The article appeared just days after UN special rapporteur on the human rights of migrants, Jorge Bustamante, highlighted xenophobic attacks in South Africa and called on the government to implement more stringent hate crime legislation. The story of Kujirichita's killing made international headlines last week, including in newspapers in Zimbabwe, Taiwan and New Zealand.

In Diepsloot, the killings continued.

Two weeks ago, two Zimbabweans were kicked and beaten to death after being accused of robbery. In another incident, a suspected thief ­narrowly escaped with his life when police arrived just in time to prevent a mob from killing him.


See full story here:

http://www.nytimes.com/2011/06/05/magazine/watching-the-murder-of-an-innocent-man.html?_r=2&ref=magazine
http://www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/News/Horror-of-a-mob-murder-20110612
http://www.news24.com/Galleries/Video/Videos/South%20Africa/Mob%20murder%20in%20Diepsloot/0210ab51d67e469f9b3cbae65c6d7394/Mob-murder

Monday, June 6, 2011

Farm Murders South Africa



Farmers in South Africa are being murdered at the rate of 313/100,000, and they often suffer violent deaths after being tortured for hours. That's 2 farmers every week! 90% of farms that have been redistributed have failed and are NOT producing any food. Farm killings have increased since Julius Malema - leader of the ANC Youth League - has started singing the banned song "Kill the Boer, Kill the Farmer".

Wednesday, June 1, 2011

Brutal Truth about Black People

My guess is that had the following been written by a white journalist, he would have been sacked from the newspaper. As it is, this is a black reader's letter that appeared in 'The Namibian' on 08 April 2011.

"ALTHOUGH hard to swallow, us black people despise everything that looks like us. To prove my point, not so long ago fellow blacks who had run away from atrocities in their own African countries were beaten, burned and some even killed by fellow blacks in South Africa.

In Namibia, black supporters of the ruling party Swapo and the opposition parties clashed in 2009 and we still hear of such quarrels or violence just in the name of politics. Through studying history, I have come to learn that we actually disliked one another before colonialism, hence fierce tribal fights during those years. Colonialism united us all in the fight against a common enemy and after colonialism, we saw the rebirth of things we thought were buried a long time ago, like tribalism, regionalism, favouritism, etc.

Although we do not like others from other tribes, we all love things that we do not produce. We love fine branded clothes from Europe, we love American and German-made cars, we love expensive wines and whiskeys, yet no African person brews any of them.

All we own, unfortunately, are thousands of shebeens where we drink ourselves to death, stab each other with knives/bottles, infect each other with the HIV virus, make lots of unwanted babies and then blame others for our miseries. We love all sorts of expensive foreign made items and show them off yet we look down at our indigenous products that we fail to commercialise.

As blacks, we know very little about investments, whether in stocks, or in properties. All we know is how to invest our money in things that depreciate or evaporate the fastest like clothes, cars, alcohol and when we are at it, we want the whole world to see us. I know some brothers driving BMWs, yet they sleep on the floors and don’t have beds because nobody will see them anyway.

This is what we love doing and this is the black life, a life of showing off for those who have. A black millionaire tenderpreneur living in Ludwigsdorf or Klein Kuppe in Windhoek will drive to the notorious Eveline Street in Katutura where he will show off his expensive car and look down on others.

We sell our natural resources to Europe for processing, and then buy them back in finished products. What makes us so inferior in our thinking that we only pride ourselves when we have something made by others? What compels us to show off things that we don’t manufacture? Is it the poverty that we allow ourselves to be in? Is it our navigated consciousness, our culture, or just a low self esteem possessing us? For how long are we going to be consumers or users of things we do not produce? Do we like the easy way out, such that we only use and consume things made by others?

Do designer clothes, expensive wines or changing our names to sound more European make us more confident in ourselves?

Our leaders scream at us how bad the Europeans are yet they steal our public money and hide it in European banks. We know how Europeans ransacked Africa but we are scandalously quiet when our own leaders loot our countries and run with briefcases under their arms full of our riches to Europe. The Europeans took our riches to Europe but our African leaders are doing this too.

Mubarak of Egypt, Gadaffi of Libya, Mobutu Sese Seko of the then Zaire, all had their assets allegedly frozen in Europe. Why do our African leaders who claim to love us run to invest ‘their’ money in Europe? Again when they get sick they are quick to be flown to Europe for treatment, yet our relatives die in hospital queues. Don’t our leaders trust the health systems they have created for us all?

Why are we so subservient, so obedient to corruption when committed by our very own people? Nobody can disagree with me that in this country that we are like pets trained to obey the instructions of their masters.

I am sure we look down when we think of our broken lives but what do we see then? I wonder if we realise how we sell our dreams to our leaders for corruption, misery, poverty, unemployment, underdevelopment and all other social evils affecting us.

How long are we going to let our manipulated minds mislead us, from womb to tomb?"

Wednesday, May 25, 2011

SA politicians return to luxury sleep bunkers until 2014

With votes safely in the bag and no further reason to participate in South African society, politicians from all parties are filing into their luxury underground dormitory-bunkers where they will sleep peacefully until 2014. “So long, suckers!” said one as she slipped into her cryo-tybe and attached a tube to her nose through which she will be fed Johnny Walker Blue Label.

South African politicians are largely nocturnal, appearing briefly for a few nights just before major elections to forage for votes, before disappearing again for another few years.

This year has proved no different, with satisfied political figures seen this morning sleepily picking which pyjamas they will wear and which plush toy they will sleep with until the next elections in 2014.

According to insiders, soothing music is piped into their sleeping chambers and Dire Straits is reportedly a firm favourite.

“That song that goes ‘Money for the nothing and the chicks for free’, that basically sums up being a politician in Mzansi,” yawned ANC backbencher Kikbax Mazibuko.

“The three-year inter-election hyper-sleep is a great chance to dream up future policy,” explained DA MP Deloozhin Naidoo. “Sarafina 2, quiet diplomacy, land reform, Shoot The Boer – all that crazy stuff was dreamt up in the cryo-tube.”

However, said ANC stalwart Stalwart Smallwort, it was sometimes difficult to “shake off the grogginess” after a long sleep, adding that dream and reality could easily blur.

“Take Comrade Julius,” he said. “He’s basically been in REM-sleep since 2007. We don’t shake him or poke him with a knitting-needle because it’s dangerous to wake sleepwalkers.”

Meanwhile many politicians were finding it difficult to go to sleep this year as the excitement of yet another unearned term kept them up past their bed time.

“We’ll give them another five minutes but then it’s lights out,” said ANC Deputy Speaker, Gavel Gumede.

“After all, it is terribly exciting. Imagine you’re in a job you’re not really qualified for and you earn a million bucks a year. For years you do absolutely nothing. Then you get called in by the boss who says you’ve lost three percent of your support-base in the company. But you can keep your job. And you’re getting an inflation-linked raise next year.

“He’s basically employing you for another term to do sweet f*ckall. That pretty much sums up a life in politics. Dude, democracy is the bomb!”

President Jacob ‘The Sandman’ Zuma said he usually went to bed last after telling his politicians a bedtime fairytale.

“The more outlandish and fantastical the better,” smiled Msholozi. “They love The Golden Goose, or as we know it, The Little Taxpayer Who Could; and they also like Helen Zille and the Three Bears, where a stupid white girl steals the resources of three revolutionary woodland animals.”

But, he said, their favourite fairytale was still ‘Together We Can Build Better Communities’.

“It’s just so fantastical that they soon slip away into warm, contented dreamland.”


source:- hayibo.com

Monday, May 16, 2011

Racist ANC election poster - Is this for real?


With the elections on the 18th here in South Africa... things are getting nasty... Julius Malema (YL President) posted this racist and disgusting photo on Twitter! Its a photo of 2 white boys riding on 2 blacks boys like horses. And it says "If you don't vote ANC they will do this again to us"!!



Wednesday, May 11, 2011

An open letter to SA’s leadership...


I will try to answer three questions;

1. Which way are we going?
2. Why?
3. Can we find a better way forward?

Apart from racial policy, the institute I head has been documenting almost every aspect of South Africa since our foundation in 1929. It was inevitable then that when the ANC came to power in 1994, people asked us why South Africa should not become just another African disaster.

I gave the usual list of advantages: a greater pool of skills, good infrastructure, a resilient private sector, our strong international economic linkages, a tradition of political pluralism, independent trade unions, a free press, and the vigour of our NGO sector. Since then the country has won golden opinions for macroeconomic policy management, reflected most recently in a heavily oversubscribed 30-year government bond.

Despite this, we now learn almost daily of things that prompt the question once again: are we headed for the list of African failures. Recently an outbreak of foot-and-mouth disease occurred because a vital border fence with Mozambique had been neglected.

Such problems are not isolated. We have slipped further down global tables as a destination for mining investment, police behaviour seems to be increasingly lawless, maternal and infant mortality rates are rising, millions of schoolchildren have started another year without textbooks, and the country's commercial capital is run by people who are out of their depth. We also have much higher rates of youth unemployment than countries to the north that recently chased away their rulers.

Specific problems aside, among the main reasons we are going wrong are the following:

•Affirmative action, which has denuded the State of both skills and institutional memory
•Labour laws which protect unionised workers at the expense of the jobless
•The cadre deployment policy, making loyalty to the party a key criterion for appointment to offices of state, and
•Use of a model of government which makes elected institutions more accountable to party headquarters than to voters.

Apart from policies and practices, the problems confronting us arise in part from assumptions and attitudes that affect the policy environment. These include:

•limited understanding of what entrepreneurship requires
•ideological hostility towards business
•poor appreciation of how markets work or even antipathy towards them the belief that the pockets of our small number of major taxpayers are bottomless, and
•too much faith in the efficacy of the State, leading to more and more regulation

To these harmful factors must be added others:

•corruption said by the deputy president to be "worse than anyone imagines"
•lawlessness on the part of the State
•a love of the grandiose, such as new bullet trains to Durban while we can't fix commuter rail services
•the callousness towards ordinary people found all too often in service departments, and
•no accountability even for preventable deaths of mothers and babies in public hospitals

Then there are two key problems in the way policy is made.

One is a habit of putting the cart before the horse - for example, embarking on ambitious education or health schemes without first fixing the basics such as training enough teachers and reversing the decline of public hospitals.

The second is failure to apply the lessons of admitted mistakes. To its credit, the Government has admitted the failings of outcomes-based education but the ANC nevertheless plans to forge ahead with a national health system without considering the State's capacity constraints.

These various aspects of our problems show that we are facing not just a few wrong-headed policies, but a challenge arising from the very nature of the Government and how it runs the State. Most of them have a direct impact on business.

Part of that challenge arises from the fact that the ANC is not a normal political party. When a party with a two-thirds majority in Parliament is still committed to a "national democratic revolution," we must ask what it is that they wish to stage a revolution against. The economic system? Probably. Democracy? Perhaps. The rule of law? Very likely. The Constitution? Possibly.

The Press pays little attention to the national democratic revolution, but the ANC is committed to it. This is one of the risks we face. Another is that tougher affirmative action requirements lead to a drain from the country of the most skilled segment of the population.

Yet another is that public spending gets out of control as the ANC promises more free things to more people and puts more of them on to the public payroll, including now members of Umkhonto we Sizwe. We might also see a more rigid labour market, destructive interventions in agriculture, attenuation of property rights, damage to private health care, more malfeasance with mining licences, further corruption of the criminal justice system, and more local governments collapsing.

It is ironical that we are expanding our social security commitments at the very moment when rich countries are having to cut back. It is also ironical that we are seeking to extend controls of the labour market while Europeans are trying to make their labour markets more flexible.

A further piece of irony is that we are lengthening the arm of the State at the very time when China and India are continuing to liberalise economically, when parts of Africa are liberalising, and when even Cuba is showing signs of liberalisation.

I have painted some dark clouds and the challenge now is to find the silver linings. Like a contrarian investor, we must look for signs of change that may not be obvious. One of these is the very fact that the Europeans, the Chinese, the Indians, and the Cubans have been here before and are having to reverse thrust.

The international context in which we make policy has changed. Africa is also having to pay more attention to good governance than in the past. Already, some African countries are more attractive as mining destinations than we are. If we don't look out, we may find that our lead as the most important economy in Africa is shrinking.

Despite the ANC's close historical ties with the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, it was unable in 1994 to follow a communist path because the USSR had in the meantime imploded. As welfare and dirigiste states elsewhere come under pressure, so will the ANC have to recognise that those role models are also unworkable.

Despite this country's achievements since the advent of democracy in 1994, we are pursuing an unworkable political model. This model will have to be abandoned just as communism and apartheid had to be abandoned. How long this will take I do not know. The evolution of liberal democracy can be a slow and difficult business. But we need to find ways of helping the process along, while also trying to minimise the fearful human and economic damage that may be done in the interim.

Among the reasons why apartheid disintegrated, two are relevant today. One is that its contradictions - notably the belief that you could run a modern economy without exploiting the skills of the whole population and granting them political rights - became unsustainable.

The second reason was that, as the policy crumbled under the weight of critical scrutiny and its own contradictions, the ruling elite began to lose faith in it. Disillusionment spread from the Dutch reformed churches, to the Afrikaans Press, to academia, to business, to the ruling party, to the Cabinet, and not least to the Broederbond. This made Mr FW de Klerk's bold actions on 2nd February 1990 both necessary and possible.

Parallels between the last 25 years of National Party rule and the first 15 years of ANC rule are becoming quite striking.

The most obvious is on racial policy. The NP thought it could run a successful economy without fully exploiting the skills of the black population. The ANC thinks it can run a successful state without fully exploiting the skills of the white population. The evidence that this cannot be done is apparent all the time at all levels and in all branches of government. And it is beginning to cause instability at local level and hurt the party.

Unfortunately, however, one of the parallels with our past is that failed policies are sometimes intensified rather than abandoned. This happened with the pass laws, for example, before PW Botha finally repealed them in 1986. It may also happen now with the Employment Equity Act, with its provisions for heavier fines to enforce racial quotas upon all employers - when the Government cannot even get Denel, or Eskom, or SAA, or Transnet to meet its racial targets at management or skilled levels.

But there are other parallels. Just as the National Party steadily lost support among the intelligentsia, the same is happening with the ANC. Some black newspaper editors and journalists are at least as critical of the ANC as their white counterparts. In discussions with black business leaders over the past few months, my Institute has been struck how some of them have become very critical of the government - more so than most of their white counterparts. Moeletsi Mbeki probably speaks for more people than we think.

Some of the squabbles in the ruling tripartite alliance are about spoils and patronage, but others are about policy. There are divisions over whether "decent" jobs should be placed above the need to generate more jobs. A growing minority is beginning to question the deployment policy. Others would like to have a professional civil service instead of one subject to ministerial whim. Racial policies are now also becoming a source of division, as we saw last week with Trevor Manuel's public attack on Jimmy Manyi.

This spat is causing the ANC to tie itself into knots. When my Institute pointed out that forcing employers in the Western Cape to conform to the national racial breakdown would necessitate the (illegal) dismissal of thousands of coloured workers, President Jacob Zuma said companies would have flexibility to conform to national or regional demographics.

This, however, is not what the proposed amendment to the Employment Equity Act says. Now the general secretary of the ANC, Mr Gwede Mantashe, has weighed in to the effect that national companies will have to use national demographics and provincially-based companies provincial demographics. This is the opposite of the flexibility of which Mr Zuma speaks.

In November last year the minister of finance, Mr Pravin Gordhan, told an audience in London that economic empowerment policies designed to improve the standard of living of the black majority after 1994 had not worked. After all the employment equity, labour, and land reform legislation, not to mention hundreds of billions of Rands in BEE deals, this is quite an admission. In the short term it may lead to an intensification of failed policies, but in the long term these policies will have to be abandoned.

The new constitution ushered in democracy in 1994. Ironically, however, the ANC's model of government - based on the Leninist idea of "democratic centralism" - in terms of which party headquarters dictates to local communities whom they must elect - is causing growing dissatisfaction at local level as the municipal election on 18th May approaches.

Though many officials are hostile to white farmers, others recognise that no one else has the expertise to reverse the failures of land reform. Despite antipathy to the private sector, some of the ruling elite see a growing role for it in getting our ports working more efficiently, in electricity generation, in the rescue of local government, in AIDS testing, and in sorting out the problems of further education and training colleges.

Indeed, as the failings of the State become more and more apparent, thanks in part to a critical media, more and more people in government will turn to the private sector for help. Even Cosatu wants private sector involvement to be mobilised when Postbank gets a banking licence.

These inconsistencies will multiply as the ANC continues to pursue mutually contradictory policies. Promises of creating millions of new jobs are incompatible with key components of official policy, among them affirmative action, the deployment strategy, restrictions on immigration, tightening up the labour market, and adding to the regulatory burden on business. Eventually the contradictions will become unsustainable. Either some of these key policies will have to be jettisoned, or the quest for millions more jobs will fall by the wayside.

In the meantime, what do we do? The first thing is to keep exposing the contradictions, so providing arguments for those in the ruling alliance who wish to see more realistic policies. Arguments for the liberalisation of our damaging labour laws need to be refined and intensified. The climate to do this is now more favourable than at any time since 1994.

I suspect that affirmative action and cadre deployment policies have also done more damage to this country than most people care to admit. Can you really run a modern industrial state if you would rather leave posts in the public sector vacant than appoint whites to them? The major victims of this folly have been blacks rather than whites.

The connection between these policies and lost growth and investment, high unemployment, shoddy RDP houses, inability to obtain social grants or medicines, preventable maternal and infant deaths, high crime rates, perilous roads, poisonous rivers, mismanagement of flooded dams, fraudulent passports and IDs, and a great many other problems needs to be repeatedly pointed out.

The ANC's economic objectives simply cannot be achieved while everything is subordinate to racial ideology and the imperatives of the "national democratic revolution". This message needs to be hammered home without reservation or apology until a critical mass of opinion within the ruling alliance comes to recognise it.

Secondly, it is necessary to stand firm in the defence of vital practices and institutions as they come under increasing threat, not only the rule of law but also academic freedom, independent civil society, a free Press, an independent legal profession and prosecution service, and independent courts. It is also necessary that organisations other than business come to the public defence of the free market system, private enterprise, and entrepreneurship.

Not for a second should anyone in the ruling alliance be allowed to forget that the money the Government spends on education, health, housing, child support grants, and everything else - including its lengthening list of promises to its constituents - arises from taxes extracted from the private sector and private individuals.

This is a point that needs much more emphasis than it gets. Business might wish to think of ways of getting the point across more strongly in public as well as to parliamentarians, civil servants, and other members of the ruling alliance.

Thirdly, keep proposing alternatives to present policies. Business may not necessarily see a direct role for itself here, but it is nevertheless essential that alternatives be put forward. Here is my list of a dozen:

1. Cut back on the size of the State
2. Put inspectors back into schools
3. Systematically extend private education
4. Radically redesign land reform
5. Democratise Parliament
6. Liberalise the labour market
7. Make economic growth rather than redistribution the topmost priority
8. Change our welfare state into one that promotes entrepreneurship
9. Direct all state interventions at helping the poorest of the poor regardless of race
10. Replace the deployment system with a professional civil service
11. Increase our global competitiveness as a destination for foreign direct investment
12. Repeal all racially discriminatory laws

Some of these may seem fanciful right now. However, given growing contradictions, policy failures, and paralysis in government, the climate is in fact auspicious. Detailed policy work on alternatives will of course be necessary. But the main point at this stage is to undertake a tenacious campaign to change ideas, preparing the soil, as it were, for new policies to be planted. This will be a long haul and a hard slog, so the sooner it is stepped up the better. The ruling party must be a prime target, both direct and indirect.

Don't forget that ideas predate policies and that their power, for good or ill, should never be underestimated. It was after all, that great incendiary journalist and armchair revolutionary, Karl Marx, who produced some of the most powerful ideas in history. Despite their murderous consequences some of these ideas still have an iron grip in South Africa.

They need constantly to be countered by the ideas that underpin liberal democracy. In particular, we need to keep on propagating the idea that the real alternative to apartheid is not another form of social engineering designed to promote an impossible equality of outcomes but an open society committed to equality before the law, political and economic freedom, corruption-free and proper democratic government, and rising living standards for all.

Social and racial engineers failed in South Africa last time around, and they will fail this time too. That is cause not for despair but for eager anticipation.


- John Kane-Berman - CEO of the South African Institute of Race Relations.