South Africa P.I.G.: SACP

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Deployment: The ANC can't have its cake and eat it

<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj7OxW6aHrLszGyN9vIOZEN9GfxSjgQbV9Vx47vzbsDBnergqSLE1CgkUxGBuz9ALwDZj-y57TdDMvjXG4X4tvBpBgEG2H8PYFjPPm7QcsUGI2hLiSI0a_ngph6giou2SpCUfp6YHc_AbI/s1600-h/ANC-Govern.bmp"><img alt="" border="0" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5397573392442658482" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj7OxW6aHrLszGyN9vIOZEN9GfxSjgQbV9Vx47vzbsDBnergqSLE1CgkUxGBuz9ALwDZj-y57TdDMvjXG4X4tvBpBgEG2H8PYFjPPm7QcsUGI2hLiSI0a_ngph6giou2SpCUfp6YHc_AbI/s400/ANC-Govern.bmp" style="FLOAT: left; MARGIN: 0px 10px 10px 0px; WIDTH: 272px; CURSOR: hand; HEIGHT: 400px" /></a>Paul Trewhela responds to Malusi Gigaba's analysis of the state of local govt THE SUBSTITUTIONISM OF THE ANC Earlier this week, in 'The Professor and the Police Minister', I developed a grim argument that despotism is an old tradition in South Africa, and that the current administration appeared to be moving in that direction (see <a href="http://www.politicsweb.co.za/politicsweb/view/politicsweb/en/page71619?oid=148248&sn=Detail">here</a>).. I neglected to add a rider to that proposition. The rider says: True, but South Africa is a very difficult country to govern despotically, without the consent of the governed. Let the governors take a warning from the history of their predecessors. Few countries in the world have such a rich tradition of resistance against unjust and arbitrary rule. In few countries is there such a deep and grounded assumption, with such a powerful lived experience among the present generations, that 'these truths we take to be self-evident': that government exists to serve the governed, and not the other way round. It is not wise in South Africa for government to believe that it has a God-appointed, or History-appointed, right to rule. Unfortunately for government, the people have a very long experience of being instructed in the nonsense of that fable, which they learned the hard way not to believe, through many sacrifices. Their greatest heroes refused that argument, and stated instead: 'It's right to rebel.' At the age of 91, born in 1918, Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela is living proof of that grand refusal. The fact that he stepped down voluntarily from the seat of power, after only one term in office, is also proof of it. It is not wise for the governors in South Africa to exempt themselves from that model, provided so richly over so many years by a Mandela, a Biko, a Luthuli, a Sobukwe...the names go on and on. Each and any despotic action by the government of South Africa will be held up for inspection in the mirror of that history, which is not dead: it is not even past (as the novelist William Faulkner liked to say about the past). Few countries live so much in the present of such a history. If a people are instructed constantly in a historical tradition of defiance of unjust rule, as in South Africa, it would be unwise to assume that they will not continue to honour that teaching. If the first article in the most honoured document of that tradition were to state that 'The people shall govern', and that 'All people are entitled to take part in the administration of the country', then it would be wise to expect that the people would in the course of time come to know if they were not, in fact, being permitted to govern themselves, or if some other agency had arrogated to itself the right to act as surrogate, or substitute, in their proper place. No, ruling by fooling has only a limited chance of succeeding in a country with this kind of history. It can succeed for a while. But then, bit by bit, people catch on. About political dispossession, South Africans are a learned people. Their government should beware that kind of knowledge becoming widely established. In this sense, the people are wiser than their government, and they live much longer - above all in their historical memory. It is so easy to see who acts as Baas in this country. This is the significance of the extraordinary statement by Malusi Gigaba, Deputy Minister of Housing and member of the National Executive Committee of the ANC, which appeared last week on the weekly online newsletter of the governing party, ANC Today 23 October (see <a href="http://www.politicsweb.co.za/politicsweb/view/politicsweb/en/page71619?oid=148245&sn=Detail">here</a>). Gigaba's document is revelatory for two reasons. Firstly, he provides an astonishing insider's accountancy of cronyism and corruption by the governing party, and how it eviscerates local government across a huge area of the country. Secondly, despite all he shows of maladministration and corruption, he reveals an unshaken faith in the sacred right of his political party to continue to act as a substitute source of authority, in place of the voters. Gigaba begins in his first sentence with an acknowledgement of a primary contemporary reality: "It is quite easy to hear such swiping statements as that - 'All Councillors are useless and corrupt'". The problem arises, he states, "when nothing is done about those that are corrupt, or arrogant, and/or lazy". Some of the current service delivery protests, Gigaba continues, have been not so much about service delivery itself, but, rather, "service delivery issues have been raised to highlight a much deeper challenge in our municipalities which relates to the political leadership of the Councils." The recent Lekwa municipal protests had little to do with the issues of service delivery, he states. They were directed rather at "the arrogance of certain comrades deployed to positions of responsibility...." What the community is complaining about was basically that "their leadership had turned their backs on their mandate and had forgotten their leadership responsibility". Councillors at the level of municipality, he goes on, sometimes "become big-headed and undermine and disrespect" ANC branches, so that "the only structure they interact with is their caucus". In addition, there are "constant divisions between the ANC and its allies. There are many opportunists on the ground masquerading as SACP members, sowing divisions in the name of the SACP and even orchestrating violent riots against Councillors. In many instances, it is an open secret that these so-called SACP activists want to become Councillors themselves in 2011, and just use the SACP for that purpose. This is not helped by the ANC's own ample opportunists sowing divisions of their own between the ANC and SACP." ANC branches, Gigaba continues, "regard themselves as representatives of the leadership in the community rather than as representatives of communities..." Branches feel that this "precludes the ANC from engaging in what are regarded as civic issues", thus "[refraining] from civic engagement about roads, electricity, water and housing, indeed about issues of municipal governance...". In a situation in which the "ordinary masses on the ground had enormous grievances and discontent about local issues", in Lekwa the recent protests had in fact been "led by ANC members in good standing". ANC branches in Lekwa had previously "raised these issues to senior organisational structures, but with no positive response." The result is "Social distance - a leadership disconnect[ed] with communities": a "yawning political, organisational and leadership hiatus on the ground", in which for years it had been "evident that the masses felt estranged and disengaged from the ANC and regarded its leadership as aloof." This was "Deployment gone berserk". In Lekwa, Dipaleseng and other areas, the political leaders of the municipalities "disrespect the masses and have tended to regard themselves...as untouchable. What often compounds this is the fact that these comrades often have connections with senior leaders in the regions and provinces and belong to powerful factions that protect them and shield them from any criticism." Mayors, Speakers and Chief Whips are often "clearly incompetent to occupy these positions. Yet they have been deployed to hold them...to serve factional ends. When they buckle and fail to perform, and when they become arrogant and big-headed, it is because they know they will be shielded by those that had deployed them". There, without even having to read between the lines, and from the hand of the Deputy Housing Minister (who is also a former President of the ANC Youth League, and therefore knows the score backwards), is the rarest glimpse of truth from within the ruling apparatus. Gigaba describes a pervasive system in which councillors (though not all) are "corrupt, or arrogant, and/or lazy", who "turn their backs" on the people they are supposed to serve, who are "big-headed" and interact only with their caucus, among whom there are "ample opportunists" and in which there are "constant divisions" of a purely factional, self-serving nature. What an indictment, and what a betrayal of the ANC's promise that 'The people shall govern'! It is an exposition of the systemic nature of South Africa's failure of governance. Gigaba goes even further. In a dazzling illumination of the real nature of modern South Africa which deserves to be re-enacted in municipalities across the country as a form of political theatre, for the enlightenment and entertainment of the people, he displays the systemic machinery of corruption in government. The "greatest injustice", he states, is committed "when patently incompetent and unqualified people are deployed into the administration as Municipal Managers, Chief Financial Officers, and Heads of certain services such as local economic development, technical services and others." Then comes the clincher. "It is generally known that Section 57 Employees are political deployees. The reasons for this are never explained except that this is so. This is so helplessly abused and perverted that it could seem that what is at fault here is the very notion of deployment. Anyone who is connected with the powerful blocs can end up occupying any of these positions. "Often, RECs deploy people to these positions despite the fact that they have no deployment committees and have no power to deploy. And when they do so, they often deploy 'javelin throwers' who will ensure that all contracts are thrown in the right direction and then they run hard to receive the javelin on the other hand and share the spoils with those who 'deployed' them." "Javelin throwers"! What a wonderful phrase! What is at fault here, Gigaba affirms, "is the very notion of deployment". He concludes by stating that "atrocities are committed in the name of deployment and municipalities undermined and decapitated!" He could not be more damning. Yet, contrary to Malusi Gigaba, "deployment" is the heart and soul of ANC government, its principle of life, its fundamental principle of rule. It is built into the very fabric of government by the Electoral Law enshrined in the Constitution of 1994, by which a party list system of unmediated proportional representation places a cabal of party managers in Luthuli House supreme over Parliament, the provinces, the municipalities, the civil service - and even the Presidency itself - with as little difference as if it were the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. The "javellin throwers" are the living truth of South African despotism, built into the Constitution by the ANC in its Electoral Law under the benign aegis of Nelson Mandela, in a last-minute secret compact with the outgoing party of despotism, the National Party of FW de Klerk (and before him, of PW Botha, BJ Vorster, etc etc), in the early months of 1994. It is the continuation of apartheid tyranny by other means, to the advantage of the ANC, as successor to the apartheid state. Even a cursory reading of Gigaba's historic document makes it clear, however, that he sees no remedy to this systemic miscarriage of democracy in South Africa, apart from an appeal to the nobler sentiments of the party for whom this system was constructed as sole beneficiary. Gigaba is a prisoner too of the ANC's folie de grandeur, or arrogance (or foolishness) of power. It is the besetting sin of substitutionism. This term, current within British leftwing groups in previous decades, was invented to describe those deluded groups or sects that believed that they could substitute their own energies (or arrogance) for the self-activity of the working class. It applies perfectly to the arrogant delusion of the ANC, of whatever faction (and no less to the direct inheritor of the Stalinist tradition of the Soviet Union, the SACP, burrowed away within the ANC), that it is the God-created fount of the political right to rule in South Africa, and not the voters organised in constituencies, with the power to pull down any incumbent. In this sense, the Constitution of 1994 through its Electoral Law established a tyranny dressed up as democracy, and this system urgently needs revision. Discussion of this subject should be brought to every municipality in the country.

Deployment: The ANC can't have its cake and eat it

Paul Trewhela responds to Malusi Gigaba's analysis of the state of local govt THE SUBSTITUTIONISM OF THE ANC Earlier this week, in '...

1:45 AM

Blade Nzimande gets R1,1m BMW 750i

<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgHUg5jY7ABI7qDUOHYyJwuEoucjoMY9tcxJo71Wz53NQ-kr4mKuTY95retYuFBPfPbeVojPjLreKFxAABTGje2B_QWxOVeey5N3ZqNVM_cj5ZDOC8cDqnwXk6NHHW2zVKFAiS8eMyeFvI/s1600-h/blade+nzimande+sacp.jpg"><img alt="" border="0" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5376992392858053042" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgHUg5jY7ABI7qDUOHYyJwuEoucjoMY9tcxJo71Wz53NQ-kr4mKuTY95retYuFBPfPbeVojPjLreKFxAABTGje2B_QWxOVeey5N3ZqNVM_cj5ZDOC8cDqnwXk6NHHW2zVKFAiS8eMyeFvI/s400/blade+nzimande+sacp.jpg" style="FLOAT: right; MARGIN: 0px 0px 10px 10px; WIDTH: 229px; CURSOR: hand; HEIGHT: 307px" /></a>SACP leader chooses top of the range car as ministerial vehicle Cargate: Hypocrisy reigns supreme - Blade's <a href="http://www.wheels24.co.za/Content/NewModels/13/e15b9994f1534f72bac87024f5a6e133/First_drive_New_BMW_7_Series">R1.1m seven series BMW</a> The reply to a DA parliamentary question has revealed that the Department of Higher Education has purchased a new R1.1 million BMW 7501 for Minister Blade Nzimande. It is not insignificant that Nzimande is also the General-Secretary of the South Africa Communist Party (SACP). Speaking in this capacity, in June this year, and endorsing the principles and values behind Nelson Mandela Day, Nzimande stated: "...Nelson Mandela Day must also be a re-affirmation of the values he has come to represent - that of social solidarity, selflessness, dedication, equity and fairness! It is through the consistent inculcation of these values that we can roll back the greed, corruption and selfishness of capitalism." Two months later he has approved over R1 million for a luxury car, for his personal use - which is self-indulgent, unnecessary and extravagant. So much for rolling back the greed and selfishness of capitalism. It appears that only the very best will do for the leaders of the working class. In fact, when set alongside his recent comments, Minister Nzimande's purchase of this vehicle gets to the heart of what is wrong with this ANC government and its alliance partners. The ANC cannot understand the connection between the behaviour - or, more accurately, misbehaviour - of its public representatives, and the lives of ordinary South Africans. When a minister spends R1-million on luxury vehicles, that is R1-million less that can be spent elsewhere. Remember, this is the self-same minister who recently berated our leading academic research institutions for having too much money (which is was both technically wrong and principally wrongheaded). One wonders how many graduates R1.1 million could produce? [The SACP's reply to this statement can be found <a href="http://www.politicsweb.co.za/politicsweb/view/politicsweb/en/page71654?oid=141827&sn=Detail">here</a>].

Blade Nzimande gets R1,1m BMW 750i

SACP leader chooses top of the range car as ministerial vehicle Cargate: Hypocrisy reigns supreme - Blade's R1.1m seven series BMW The ...

2:34 PM

Zuma's first 100 days

<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgn1PiVSZV5JU9mWJglkwGio3VQNsTPIgHhNvRkPS3dRNoEaOOmM_3ogYnQ3nPrrQ2o781FwMHrOK6UFCpiw9ZW_sfDAxoyp_Eot4AdpmEGF64HborUIORk4OYUlubPYWBVM1Vnn41L-4U/s1600-h/zuma-vote-justice.bmp"><img alt="" border="0" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5369880482733624002" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgn1PiVSZV5JU9mWJglkwGio3VQNsTPIgHhNvRkPS3dRNoEaOOmM_3ogYnQ3nPrrQ2o781FwMHrOK6UFCpiw9ZW_sfDAxoyp_Eot4AdpmEGF64HborUIORk4OYUlubPYWBVM1Vnn41L-4U/s320/zuma-vote-justice.bmp" style="FLOAT: left; MARGIN: 0px 10px 10px 0px; WIDTH: 225px; CURSOR: hand; HEIGHT: 320px" /></a>Looking at the first 100 days of Zuma's presidency THE GOOD On the positive side, he is affable, humble and approachable. The personal tone of the presidency is open and friendly. We give credit to President Zuma in his first State of the Nation Address for being honest about the enormous problems facing South Africa, such as crime, unemployment, failing education and AIDS. We welcome his blunt instruction to those teachers who abuse the system: "Teachers should be in school, in class, on time, teaching, with no neglect of duty and no abuse of pupils!" We also welcome his surprise visits to schools to check on them. He has made some good appointments, such as Trevor Manuel in the Presidency, Pravin Gordhan in the Treasury, Tokyo Sexwale in Housing, and Gill Marcus in the Reserve Bank. On the matter of expensive new cars for politicians, the DA has lead by example, using existing pool cars wherever possible. Nonetheless we applaud President Zuma's announcement (after the public outcry on the luxury cars bought by ANC Ministers) about cutting down on such luxuries. These are the good points. THE BAD His political performance as President is less certain, and indeed gives grounds for grave concern at times. By far the biggest minus about his performance as President arises out of his uneasy relationship with the Constitution and his political leadership. Public memory is short. Nevertheless, it remains important to consider the circumstances under which Jacob Zuma became President, because these raise serious constitutional questions. A few months back, Jacob Zuma had several hundred counts of corruption hanging over him - until the case against him was withdrawn in highly questionable circumstances, including the leaking of NIA surveillance recordings to his defence team.A review application against the decision of the acting National Director of Public Prosecutions to withdraw the charges is currently before the courts. This review application could go all the way to the Constitutional Court for final determination. Yet, in his capacity as President, Jacob Zuma will appoint the Chief Justice who will preside over his case.This creates a clear conflict of interest and raises profound questions about why the charges were withdrawn in the first place. Just this week we were reminded of the circumstances surrounding the early release from prison of fraudster Schabir Shaik who spent hardly any of his 15 year sentence actually behind bars. His corruption conviction arose out of his relationship with Jacob Zuma. Given the fact that he is now well enough to drive around and eat in restaurants, it is quite clear that Shaik's release was politically rather than medically motivated. The irresistible conclusion is that Shaik was released early because he was not prepared to be the scapegoat in the broader corruption case, and that he threatened to reveal what he knew if he was not released. It is for the ANC and President Zuma himself to show this conclusion is unfounded. So far all indications are in the opposite direction. The Shaik saga goes to the heart of the Constitution, undermining the principle of equality before the law, and demonstrating selective justice depending on political connections. President Zuma's surprise nomination of Sandile Ngcobo as Chief Justice also cocked a snook at the Constitution, which requires the President to consult with leaders of other parties first. The reason is that the Chief Justice is not an ANC appointment but must ensure justice for all the people of the country. The nomination also highlights the reasons for the sidelining of Judge Dikgang Moseneke, the current Deputy Judge President. Moseneke attracted heavy ANC criticism when he made the obvious point that his role as a judge was to serve all the people of South Africa and not merely the ANC. Again, the irresistible conclusion is that Moseneke was sidelined for refusing to act like a deployed party cadre. The DA is not objecting to Ngcobo as a candidate of merit in his own right, as we believe he could make a good Chief Justice, but to the manner of his nomination, where President Zuma seemed to feel he could brush aside the Constitution. Adding to our concern is the suspicion that Ngcobo, who may probably only serve two more years in the Constitutional Court, is being used as a stand-in to prepare the way for John Hlophe to become Chief Justice. Hlophe is accused by Constitutional Court judges of allegedly inappropriately approaching two of them about a judgment on Zuma before he became president. This is cause for the greatest unease. Another key assault on the Constitution during Jacob Zuma's Presidency has been the emergence of the 17th Amendment Bill which will curtail the powers of the provinces and municipalities (some of which are not controlled by the ANC), and give more power to the central state (which is controlled by the ANC). When the DA questioned the ANC about this bill during the election, the ANC denied its existence. Now it is pushing forward with this very bill, and President Zuma is saying nothing about it. President Zuma often gives the very dangerous impression that he thinks the Constitution carries less weight than the priorities of the ANC or the clauses of the Freedom Charter. As the political leader of our country, President Zuma has shown little direction. Although he acknowledges our country's problems, President Zuma shows no inclination to give a clear lead on what should be done about many of them. He gives a sense of drifting on the strongest current of the day. He often acts more like a deployee than a leader. Power has undoubtedly shifted from the Presidency of South Africa to the Secretary-General of the ANC, Gwede Mantashe, and to the headquarters of the Communist Party and the Congress of South African Trade Unions. Perhaps the defining moment of Jacob Zuma's presidency came almost immediately when he announced his huge cabinet of 62 ministers - at enormous public expense. This was not done to promote efficient government, quite the opposite. It was done to reward and reconcile a large number of varied interest groups who had helped to bring him to power. Patronage not patriotism was the reason for having 62 ministers. The excessive thank you parties were for the same reason. Already in his presidency a number of critically important matters have arisen, and President Zuma has taken no decisive stand on any of them. The proposed National Health Insurance is a recipe for disaster for our health system. It would seriously undermine the functional components of the system, without improving the dysfunctional aspects. President Zuma is silent on it. The suggested nationalisation of our mines, enthusiastically encouraged by Julius Malema, the ANC Youth Leader, and Blade Nzimande, the Communist Party Leader, is a recipe for disaster for our entire economy. Beyond a few playful remarks, Zuma has never repudiated them. Again he seems to have given in to Gwede Mantashe, who decided that nationalisation should be considered. Zuma's appointment of Bheki Cele as National Police Commissioner raised all manner of doubts. Cele has no professional police experience but is on the ANC's National Executive Committee. In the past he has urged police officers "to shoot to kill", a reckless, theatrical outburst rather than a serious commitment to dealing with violent crime, and in violation of the principle that force must be used in proportion to the perceived. This month Julius Malema criticised President Zuma for appointing "members of minority groups" to key economic ministries. He named Rob Davies in Trade and Industry, Ebrahim Patel in Economic Development, Barbara Hogan in Public Enterprises and Gill Marcus in the Reserve Bank. This disgraceful racist attack should have been immediately, loudly and publicly repudiated by the President. Instead he said little, and what he did say skirted rather than confronted the issue. Is President Zuma giving a free rein to ANC attack dogs, such as Malema, or are they dragging him where they want to go? Neither answer gives confidence in his leadership. The issue that will most come back to haunt Jacob Zuma from the ANC's own support base is the promises he has made and the expectations he has raised. His promise of 500,000 extra jobs by the end of the year cannot be kept, as every serious commentator knew at the time. The fact that he made it at all suggests more devotion to show business than to practical politics. Indeed, Zuma with his melodious voice and dancing flair has been called the "Karaoke King". He mouths the words while others make the music and sing the song. President Zuma has an excellent PR team and he has enjoyed a honeymoon from heaven. So far, though, his Presidency has been a matter of style before substance. As the clouds gather over South Africa, we should like to see clear leadership, brave policies and unyielding allegiance to the Constitution. In short, South Africa needs a President who is prepared to make some enemies to do the right thing. This article by Helen Zille first appeared in SA Today, the weekly online newsletter of the leader of the <a href="http://www.da.org.za/">Democratic Alliance</a>, August 14 2009

Zuma's first 100 days

Looking at the first 100 days of Zuma's presidency THE GOOD On the positive side, he is affable, humble and approachable. The personal t...

10:16 AM

Is the ANC becoming like Mugabe?

<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh3hDTXAVnHsTpnFWCEosxz1Mi4EgZeJfqjA0_cjYooB_d4cfRLS5BWJ83YUiozTVaR4ZdPHLOhWl2zyHyfvmj_Yple1vvtQc_N4czp0wSpBszBnPnJrZO0i1a126suoRhTQ1pwob3zJ1c/s1600-h/anc-zanupf.jpg"><img alt="" border="0" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5365887027612315474" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh3hDTXAVnHsTpnFWCEosxz1Mi4EgZeJfqjA0_cjYooB_d4cfRLS5BWJ83YUiozTVaR4ZdPHLOhWl2zyHyfvmj_Yple1vvtQc_N4czp0wSpBszBnPnJrZO0i1a126suoRhTQ1pwob3zJ1c/s400/anc-zanupf.jpg" style="FLOAT: left; MARGIN: 0px 10px 10px 0px; WIDTH: 320px; CURSOR: hand; HEIGHT: 318px" /></a>SO, President Mugabe’s idea of exclusivity and national vision is to get rid of the NGOs working in the country. They have “exceeded their terms of reference” by posing as “shadow governments”, he charged, Louis XIV-style, at the Global 2009 Dialogue in Uganda this week. In fact, as the whole world knows, the NGOs have been keeping Zimbabweans fed during the crisis spawned by Mugabe’s disastrous agricultural policies. If it had not been for their timely intervention tens of thousands of Zimbabweans would have starved. Now Mugabe wants them to go because they are acting as “shadow governments”. So what’s wrong with that? NGOs and anybody else for that matter are perfectly entitled to fulfil that function, particularly when the government itself is incapable of doing anything useful. It is called service delivery. Their terms of reference are to provide capacity to those working for national improvement and to help those least able to help themselves. NGOs embarrass Mugabe by showing him what he should be doing. No wonder he loathes them! The Herald, which carried the story from Uganda, tried to be helpful by claiming the Zimbabwe delegation was “hailed for setting a unique example in Africa”. It also managed to slip in the following: “The NGO community has been accused of disrupting the recent All-Stakeholders People’s Conference in Harare…” Accused by whom? Nothing more clearly reflects the dishonesty of the state media. Is Patrick Zhuwao an NGO activist? And what about Saviour Kasukuwere and Joseph Chinotimba? We saw the real culprits on ZTV! Mugabe’s remarks in Uganda betray a hostility towards organisations that form a fundamental part of any democratic society and give a warning that the discredited assumptions of the ancien regime are still with us, paraded on international platforms when the country was supposed to have mended its ways. It is a pity Mugabe’s views, redolent of repression, will discredit the smart partnership project, started by his old friend Mahathir Mohamad over a decade ago. “National vision can only thrive in an environment of peace and stability,” the president told his audience. He is quite right. But does that involve expelling NGOs and arresting civic activists? Investors will be unimpressed. Chiadzwa provides a picture of what the absence of peace and stability looks like. And what sort of investment destination is it where a youthful n’anga is able to con an entire cabinet taskforce and senior police officers into believing she could tap diesel from a rock? The country’s fuel problems were “a thing of the past”, they reported back to Mugabe. In fact she was controlling the flow of diesel by operating a tap on a fuel tank! And does Arthur Mutambara know his national vision document is “drawn from the government’s Vision 20/20” project that went nowhere? If that is the case it will suffer the same fate as the Kariba document! And what about the Criminal Law (Codification and Reform) Act which he is currently charged under? Is that part of his vision? The president nowadays seems a tad insecure. Why are ministers and service chiefs required to line up at the airport when he comes and goes? Does he really need to offer a limp handshake to all of them –– twice a day in some cases? Now there is a new manifestation of this preoccupation with the trappings of power. His office has clearly directed that he now be known as “Head of State and Government and Commander-in-Chief of the Defence Forces”. Not just here and there but every single time he is mentioned in the state media. This seems rather obviously directed against any pretensions Morgan Tsvangirai may have to be Head of Government. But is it really necessary? It was carried in a caption on Page 1 of the Sunday Mail last weekend. Then again on Page 3, and finally on Page 11. We could have missed a few! State journalists are evidently not allowed to mention the president without citing all his titles. Even the relatively independent-minded Alexander Kanengoni, in recalling that a friend had advised Patrick Zhuwao not to send that famous letter, squeezed in this mouthful: “He advised him the letter was against the spirit of what the Head of State and Government, Commander-in-Chief of the Defence Forces, His Excellence (sic) President Mugabe had said at the principals’ joint press conference…” Phew! How many column inches does this amount to? But the more obvious question: Is Tsvangirai that much of a threat? Does the president really need this sort of elaborate comfort zone? Again, do we need a media in which journalists are instructed in forms of address? We would like to know who is giving the press their marching orders in this regard, especially when we suspect that “Head of Government” is not a constitutional title anyway. And what can we conclude when Kanengoni and Funny Mushava, both first-class writers, misspell Excellency the same way on the same page? This reminds us of all those “illegal” sanctions that are still deemed “illegal” despite the pronouncements of the US president that Congress can pass what laws it wants! Last week saw some interesting disclosures from Attorney-General Johannes Tomana. Like the president, he appears to be on the offensive. He “slammed attempts by some politicians to undermine his office”, we are told, “and has vowed to continue carrying out his duties without fear or favour”. Giving an interview to the Herald, he at the same time gave a number of hostages to fortune. Asked about the Bennett case where he has been accused of being “the single largest threat to national healing”, Tomana said: “My job is to ensure that criminals are brought to book and I should not let people off with impunity. My obligations are not going to stand or fall on the platitudes of politicians. These are people who are trying to hide behind politics to settle their scores. They are blaming me for being Zanu PF. I have my allegiance to my religion as I have my allegiance to my party of choice, but I have also an allegiance to deliver in my profession. I am a public servant and I owe it to the people that those facing serious charges are not given the freedom to flee.” He accused the MDC-T of “fighting crime prevention”. “Should we just ignore (it) when 13-year-old girls are being raped? Should we let it go when the laws are being broken with impunity? We cannot do that.” The Herald didn’t ask about the status of Joseph Mwale and his legendary impunity. Nor did it ask why only activists from one party are prosecuted when it is public knowledge that the bulk of the electoral violence came from another party, the one arguably better equipped to mount a campaign of violence. Who for instance was responsible for the savage assaults on MDC leaders at the Highfield police station in 2007? Why haven’t they been prosecuted or those who tortured Jestina Mukoko and others? Hasn’t the AG a duty to operate in a way that is even-handed instead? As for the Bennett case and that of Blessing Chebundo, is it sensible to discuss guilt or flight risk when those cases are still pending in the courts? Bennett, let us remind ourselves, voluntarily returned to this country to participate in the government of national unity. He was arrested despite assurances made to President Motlanthe that he wouldn’t be. Who is the guilty one there? And is it Tomana’s job to lecture the MDC on its duties to the public. Surely the MDC and every other party has a duty to ensure the AG’s office is managed with professionalism and independence. That should not include self-serving statements in the press. At least we can thank Tomana for opening up a debate around his conduct in the AG’s office. That will give us a bone to chew on without any justifiable grounds for complaint from him. We will want to know for instance how he moved up the legal ladder so rapidly and if his colleagues in the legal profession have the same confidence in him as the president? The GPA is unambiguous that all senior appointments in government should be made in consultation between the principals. Why did that not happen in Tomana’s case? Columnist Max Du Preez, writing in the Star, will have struck a chord with Zimbabweans. As the townships sink into anarchy and violence over service delivery, senior officials have been displaying extraordinary insensitivity. “During the weeks that the township protests were raging,” Du Preez said, “it became known that former MK top brass and now Minister of Communications General Sephiwe Nyanda had spent R2 million of taxpayers’ money on two real James Bond cars for himself –– not just reliable, safe cars which he should really have at his disposal, but ultra-luxurious limousines with extras and added bling that would make any multi-millionaire proud. “During the same time, “ Du Preez adds, “we hear that senior ANC figures refused to stay in the really good and safe housing provided for them and instead rented homes for more than R30 000 a month –– again using taxpayers’ money.” The ANC’s full attention, Du Preez points out, is right now focused on a debate over whether the mines should be nationalised and how the judiciary can be manipulated so they end up with a bench friendly to the ruling party. “Citizens should be forgiven for asking the ANC, its Youth League and the SACP,” Du Preez writes, “whether they really think the state can run the mines in South Africa if they can’t even run the SABC, the Robben Island Museum or local government.” Both the SABC and Robben Island Museum sagas have provided South Africans with a useful glimpse into what happens when a post-liberation aristocracy helps itself to public funds –– all in the name of transformation, you understand. Zimbabweans may be forgiven for feeling a sense of déjà vu. Been there. Done that.

Is the ANC becoming like Mugabe?

SO, President Mugabe’s idea of exclusivity and national vision is to get rid of the NGOs working in the country. They have “exceeded their t...

11:32 AM

I scratch your back and you scratch mine

<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEizBG0oJYc4qgA9DyDox5BQGOUySiVKBG3AoL-PU2RvByszogym2gcdLgxw1tdRkwmQCVN4X_hIz13eF8_5UumQEEtKj_c1ekNtJlvvwGvs52jisaNAIbWtHCKYIHFyXbZZk5UNuytduhJg/s1600-h/zuma's+men.jpg"><img alt="" border="0" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5337152801831983938" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEizBG0oJYc4qgA9DyDox5BQGOUySiVKBG3AoL-PU2RvByszogym2gcdLgxw1tdRkwmQCVN4X_hIz13eF8_5UumQEEtKj_c1ekNtJlvvwGvs52jisaNAIbWtHCKYIHFyXbZZk5UNuytduhJg/s400/zuma's+men.jpg" style="FLOAT: right; MARGIN: 0px 0px 10px 10px; WIDTH: 300px; CURSOR: hand; HEIGHT: 200px" /></a>In the very-long run up to the elections, Zuma had the support of the Youth League, the Women's League and the alliance partners, Cosatu and SACP. They campaigned for him; they intimidated for him; they even threatened to 'kill' for him. So, now that the big man is in office, what do they expect in return? And, more importantly, is Zuma willing to reward their loyalty? Despite his many friends, President Zuma maintained that there would be no job for friends in his government. He promised to deploy hard-working men and women to serve the country. Well, let's take a look at some of President Zuma's men to see if they are in his Cabinet and if they've earned those positions. Fikile Mbalula Mbalula has been a strong supporter of Jacob Zuma throughout his battle for the presidency. He made public appearances alongside Zuma and he even wrote an open letter to former president Thabo Mbeki accusing him of conspiring against Zuma. He was also the manager of the ANC election campaign and it's fair to say that it was pretty successful. Mbalula has since been appointed as the deputy minister of police. Perhaps, Mbalula's willingness to take 'military action' secured him the post… Tokyo Sexwale In 1998 he resigned from politics and he focused on the corporate sector. Many have attributed the move to his rocky relationship with Thabo Mbeki. As one of South Africa's most well-known black businessmen, Sexwale is respected by a significant portion of South Africa's middle class. He made a political comeback in 2007 — he briefly entertained the idea of becoming the next president but after it became clear that Jacob Zuma was the chosen one, Sexwale put his weight behind him. He attended most of rallies and he made it clear that Zuma should be the next president. Once the premier of Gauteng, Sexwale is now the new Minister of Human Settlement formerly known as the housing department. A more appropriate portfolio for him however may have been mining, as Harry Oppenheimer, the patriarch of Anglo-American and De Beers corporations, once praised him for having an understanding of the South African and the international diamond mining industry that few can equal. Angie Motshekga Angie Motshekga has been behind President Zuma all the way. It was she who rallied the Women's League behind Zuma ahead of Polokwane, before being elected president of the Women's League the following year. Previously the MEC of Gauteng's provincial education department, Motshekga was fingered in a fraud scandal in 2004, but escaped largely unscathed. Despite her infamous comment implying that academic achievements are not essential for good leadership, she is actually fairly well-qualified to be the minister of education. She taught at Orlando High School for three years and she was also a lecturer at the Soweto College of Education. She has a Masters Degree in Education. Blade Nzimande Communist party leader Blade Nzimande has been awarded for his loyalty. He was vocal in his support for the removal of Thabo Mbeki and he supported President Zuma throughout. He mobilised SACP members for the ruling party and he was quick to attack 'counter revolutionaries' who criticised President Zuma. Nzimande has been appointed the Minister of Higher Education and Training. He has been vocal about his dissatisfaction with the quality of our education. With a doctorate in philosophy, specialising in sociology, Nzimande also has a strong educational background, having lectured at the University of Zululand and acted as the Director of Education Policy at the University of Durban. Earlier this year the SACP said: "The view in the SACP is that since we now have a reconfigured alliance following Polokwane, the communist representation in the Cabinet should be led by the general secretary." They went on to say: "We want him there (Nzimande). If we talk about change, it means that the new government should start by being inclusive of all the alliance components." Even though Nzimande has all the necessary qualifications, his inclusion may have been a deal to please the vocal SACP. The unlucky ones Some individuals who were close to the president during the run-up to the elections, were not so lucky. Speculation was rife that they would be chosen for the new Cabinet, but things turned out a little differently — they just didn't make the cut. Winnie Madikizela-Mandela <a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEirxpIsucj-4fMGbSAgG-vJF9-yShQBtsuCJHRyZnBVwPYfj2CkL7Rdo0KCsBzOr_BuUtgvz796Ypm7fauoWV9HYZId4BP085dF_hJeKYukFbzlbtMfn1O0aRT9pMGb68k75zmhl1Oivfh8/s1600-h/zuma-winnie.jpg"><img alt="" border="0" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5337154661943352994" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEirxpIsucj-4fMGbSAgG-vJF9-yShQBtsuCJHRyZnBVwPYfj2CkL7Rdo0KCsBzOr_BuUtgvz796Ypm7fauoWV9HYZId4BP085dF_hJeKYukFbzlbtMfn1O0aRT9pMGb68k75zmhl1Oivfh8/s400/zuma-winnie.jpg" style="FLOAT: left; MARGIN: 0px 10px 10px 0px; WIDTH: 300px; CURSOR: hand; HEIGHT: 200px" /></a>The once-almost-a-first-lady seems to have her eyes firmly on Msholozi. Erm… okay… make that lips. Twice. In what could be described by some as a passionate (if not clawing) embraceWinnie Madikizela-Mandela, who has spent every post-election moment playing kiss-catch with Zuma, nominated him for the presidency stating that: "Many names and descriptions have been used to characterise him and the bookshelves have not witnessed the last of perspective about him. I would simply say that he's a capable leader that epitomises our continued and resilient struggle against the worst that humanity has to offer, and the hope that we as a nation shall triumph against all odds because of the best that collectively we can offer." Unfortunately for Winnie, President Zuma decided not to include her in that collective. Baleka Mbethe Baleka Mbete, who has been a vocal Zuma supporter in the build-up to the elections, was appointed as deputy president of the country following Pumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka's resignation. Recently, she shocked the country when she remained in her seat during the swearing-in of MPs. Some have argued that she was eyeing the position of deputy president which she lost to Kgalema Motlanthe. Mbete has since denied this, claiming she knew from the beginning that she was only an interim deputy until the general elections. The ANC has since announced that she would be deployed in the Luthuli House to be the link between government and the ruling party. It would seem that, while a couple of Zuma loyalists were left out in the cold, no group of support went un-thanked in his Cabinet. That being said, it is pretty tricky to establish whether the appointments were payback or continued strategic wrangling on the part of Zuma. They could, of course, simply have been the best men and women for the jobs.

I scratch your back and you scratch mine

In the very-long run up to the elections, Zuma had the support of the Youth League, the Women's League and the alliance partners, Cosatu...

5:57 AM

'Go Home Mugabe'

<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj0zSFvJpRNT_0dD4zMAxIhosrDs66AXEs7BqqoS0d_6dTEDZ2qroDM0Zrr9knvij-HimfG4ZSzl8GFef6QSS3vaGva7SPJO4fz6AT4_2qbzB29V0fG9XeYyp5rLRomxv7i6RX-BsfkC02x/s1600-h/mugabe-gohome.jpg"><img alt="" border="0" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5333532698870386978" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj0zSFvJpRNT_0dD4zMAxIhosrDs66AXEs7BqqoS0d_6dTEDZ2qroDM0Zrr9knvij-HimfG4ZSzl8GFef6QSS3vaGva7SPJO4fz6AT4_2qbzB29V0fG9XeYyp5rLRomxv7i6RX-BsfkC02x/s400/mugabe-gohome.jpg" style="FLOAT: left; MARGIN: 0px 10px 10px 0px; WIDTH: 320px; CURSOR: hand; HEIGHT: 243px" /></a>Mugabe, Mswati oppressors!Mugabe, like Swaziland's King Mswati, has crushed all ideals of democracy and freedom, is starving his own people and is married to this doctrine of violations with impunity. Both are just as despotic and corrupt. If Mswati is not welcome at Zuma inauguration, Mugabe, who has committed similar crimes against humanity, must 'GO HOME' he is not welcome here. Mugabe's and Mswati's authoritarian actions bear striking similarities, both:- 1. Imprisoned the opposition leader under inhumane conditions including the denial of adequate medical care. 2. Ordered violent crackdowns on pro-democracy and trade union activists. The outcome of these violent crackdowns is often terrifying as people are murdered and scores of others are severely injured - some have sustained permanent disabilities as a result. 3. Ordered mass eviction of rural residents from their homes 4. Introduced draconian laws banning and restricting the press 5. Interfered with the judiciary in an attempt to use it as a repressive political instrument 6. Maintained the ban on political parties and participation in national politics 7. Failed to adhere to international principles of human rights and democracy 8. Maintained his stranglehold on political power by continuing to rule by decree 9. Militate against free and fair elections, with political parties officially banned in Swaziland, and the Zimbabwean people forced to make choices within ZANUPF-set frameworks. Despite this frightening record of human rights abuse, Mugabe continues to enjoy diplomatic relationships with South Africa. The Zuma Government must severe all political, economic, political and cultural ties with Mugabe. Critics say SA has damaged its image by taking a soft line on Mugabe and countries such as Sudan and Myanmar. Critics also accused the government of caving into pressure from China by refusing the Dalai Lama a visa to attend a peace conference in March which was widely condemned... see here - <a href="http://www.news24.com/News24/South_Africa/Politics/0,,2-7-12_2513228,00.html" onclick="_IG_FRUC_setFeedAsRead(26,2)" target="_blank" title="A leading rights watchdog has urged South Africa's new government to restore the country's image by putting human rights at the centre of its foreign policy.">'Put human rights first'</a>Zuma inauguration: 'King Mswati not welcome' <a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhdaryOuu2pOrYVE4l4m9WXOkqUqAsuLho2YNAYslm_f2gYtpQVgfh1aespeU86Zzaej1rAlkmXoTxFwdHTdYuGi7aVM_LZSNamz4winIKTyuZojJLLrO43aRCMWLvRvtJq2U_frHHPLzyG/s1600-h/pot-kettle.jpg"><img alt="" border="0" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5333533081952206034" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhdaryOuu2pOrYVE4l4m9WXOkqUqAsuLho2YNAYslm_f2gYtpQVgfh1aespeU86Zzaej1rAlkmXoTxFwdHTdYuGi7aVM_LZSNamz4winIKTyuZojJLLrO43aRCMWLvRvtJq2U_frHHPLzyG/s320/pot-kettle.jpg" style="FLOAT: right; MARGIN: 0px 0px 10px 10px; WIDTH: 320px; CURSOR: hand; HEIGHT: 214px" /></a>Swaziland's King Mswati III is not welcome at Jacob Zuma's inauguration because he "knows no democracy", the SACP said on Thursday. "The SACP wishes to express its strong displeasure at the presence of King Mswati at a ceremony that in many ways is also a celebration of democracy that he has denied his people," said SA Communist Party spokesperson Malesela Maleka in a statement. It called on the Southern African Development Community and the government to put "serious pressure" on Mswati to introduce democracy in Swaziland. While Mswati enjoyed the festivities associated with SA's democratic advances, his nation suffered hunger and poverty. "Mswati's dynasty" wasted millions of rands on lavish birthday parties, luxury vehicles and personal shopping sprees, while the majority of his people had no access to basic services and were being ravaged by HIV and Aids. (sounds like Mad Bob's government) The SACP charged that Mswati was responsible for detention of Peoples' United Democratic Movement president Mario Masuku and had refused him visits by human rights groups. "The regime has stepped up its undemocratic practices when they also detained the president and the secretary general of Swayoco [Swaziland Youth Congress]. "The man who is at the helm of these human rights abuses deserves no seat at our most revered celebration this Saturday." The SACP said it supported the Swaziland Solidarity Network's call for workers to refuse to help Mswati "should he defy logic" and attend the inauguration on Saturday. Source Url: <a href="http://www.iol.co.za/index.php?art_id=nw20090507165456323C619692">http://www.iol.co.za/index.php?art_id=nw20090507165456323C619692</a>

'Go Home Mugabe'

Mugabe, Mswati oppressors! Mugabe, like Swaziland's King Mswati, has crushed all ideals of democracy and freedom, is starving his own pe...

5:44 AM

Communist Bonginkosi 'Blade' Nzimande tipped for Jacob Zuma cabinet

<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhVdnogkH0a3dIPJc3hyQKK6cUtf1oLSGwEgbL_Bthu9zga9DZAUZYKmVdRkDGnfG3KrGDAcBKDsWlMOpDNSOZW8Kwv4kOae-2W_bQC99zMrPqZ-DZVKmZnS1dWN8KMmnMNiMpjyOqmFuBl/s1600-h/blade.jpg"><img alt="" border="0" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5327899296741877490" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhVdnogkH0a3dIPJc3hyQKK6cUtf1oLSGwEgbL_Bthu9zga9DZAUZYKmVdRkDGnfG3KrGDAcBKDsWlMOpDNSOZW8Kwv4kOae-2W_bQC99zMrPqZ-DZVKmZnS1dWN8KMmnMNiMpjyOqmFuBl/s400/blade.jpg" style="FLOAT: left; MARGIN: 0px 10px 10px 0px; WIDTH: 300px; CURSOR: hand; HEIGHT: 283px" /></a>SOUTH Africa's tough Communist Party boss is tipped for a top post in the first Zuma cabinet, as millions of South Africans went to polling stations across the country to vote in the most hotly contested election since the overthrow of apartheid 15 years ago. Lefties Thulas Nxesi (left) and Blade Nzimande Bonginkosi "Blade" Nzimande, a member of ANC leader Jacob Zuma's inner circle, is likely to get a key role in the new government in a move that would underline the centrality of the Communist Party in the power structure that is expected to emerge after yesterday's crucial election. Mr Nzimande is likely to take his place in the cabinet alongside Winnie Madikizela-Mandela, who has been restored to a leadership role in the ANC after years of being sidelined. At the same time, it was confirmed that the highly regarded Trevor Manuel, a fiscal conservative who is credited with keeping the South African economy on track and is widely admired by the investment community, will retain his post as finance minister, at least for the time being. Mr Manuel had been keen to move on from the finance ministry, but is believed to have been persuaded to stay on to reassure investors worried about the impact of a presidency headed by Mr Zuma, a grassroots populist. Speaking to reporters yesterday, Mr Manuel said: "The one thing I know ... and I have worked with Jacob Zuma for almost two decades ... the one thing I know is that he will draw on highly skilled individuals. He wants to succeed. He is not going to set himself up for failure." As Mr Manuel sought to soothe apprehensions over Mr Zuma's election to office in Africa's most powerful nation, the main opposition leader, Helen Zille, leader of the white-led Democratic Alliance, stepped up her rhetoric against the ANC chief, drawing comparisons with Robert Mugabe's ascent to power in neighbouring Zimbabwe 30 years ago. "Mugabe in the early 1980s started off exactly like Jacob Zuma ... the people loved him," she said. "No-one wanted to hear a thing about Mugabe. He made promises and he lied to the people. He destroyed the opposition and then destroyed the constitution ... the independence of the judiciary, the independent media. He destroyed everything that was not ZANU-PF (his ruling party)," Ms Zille - who was desperate to deny Mr Zuma the two-thirds majority he wants - warned as the voters cast their ballots. At his final appearance before the polling, Mr Zuma appeared relaxed. He amiably referred to reporters attending the media conference as "you guys", and laughed and joked when asked whether a cloud was still hanging over him about corruption. "There's no cloud - not even mist," he said. Mr Zuma predicted there would be a massive turnout in favour of the ANC in the election, the results of which are not expected to be known before late tonight Australian time. "We reiterate that we will use our majority responsibly, and will not ride roughshod over the rights of the people, or bulldoze other parties into submission," he said. In the "freedom election" of 1994, the ANC won 66 per cent of the vote, and it got 66 per cent again in 1999. In the last general election in 2004, it received just under 70 per cent, and Mr Zuma is now known to want to get at least a two-thirds majority so he has the power to change the constitution. Anything less than 60 per cent would be regarded as a major defeat for the new leader. Officials of the country's Independent Election Commission last night estimated that upwards of 80 per cent of the 23 million registered voters (out of a population of 50 million) would cast their ballots - even higher than in the historic 1994 election, when black South Africans were able to vote for the first time in their lives. Voting in South Africa is not compulsory, but after years of being denied the vote, the right todo so is now a hallowed principle held dear by most of the population. Even the venerable Archbishop Desmond Tutu decided to vote yesterday after initially saying that he would boycott the poll because of his opposition to Zuma.

Communist Bonginkosi 'Blade' Nzimande tipped for Jacob Zuma cabinet

SOUTH Africa's tough Communist Party boss is tipped for a top post in the first Zuma cabinet, as millions of South Africans went to poll...

7:48 AM

Left seizes control of South Africa’s ANC

<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhKYtBScOq09bVbRkwe7AOZeqmDc1Dh1ofzsD44jSsF52YtQ2DRvBSQ3JV6CGQC5r9IUIX69Moy7WGYUDBu-SNNJZJ2RBXA30itW3EQoIIbbEPLCsOifhL3RKUKHwVzfe8OVOi5f-QuRng/s1600-h/Mantashe.jpg"><img alt="" border="0" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5301630438624911410" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhKYtBScOq09bVbRkwe7AOZeqmDc1Dh1ofzsD44jSsF52YtQ2DRvBSQ3JV6CGQC5r9IUIX69Moy7WGYUDBu-SNNJZJ2RBXA30itW3EQoIIbbEPLCsOifhL3RKUKHwVzfe8OVOi5f-QuRng/s400/Mantashe.jpg" style="FLOAT: left; MARGIN: 0px 10px 10px 0px; WIDTH: 400px; CURSOR: hand; HEIGHT: 291px" /></a> SOUTH AFRICA’S ruling African National Congress (ANC) has veered sharply to the left and will go into elections, expected to be held in April, with a manifesto largely dictated by the country’s Communist party, according to senior party officials. Under Jacob Zuma, its new leader, it has quietly adopted a radical platform of social policies which the business community claim are unaffordable. The ANC already promises a free allowance of water and electricity to all and has introduced the largest welfare state ever seen in a developing country, with more than 40% of the population in receipt of state handouts. Under the influence of its firebrand new secretary-general, Gwede Mantashe, a former leader of the mine-workers’ union and chairman of the South African Communist party, it is adopting policies and rhetoric based on left-wing states such as Cuba and Venezuela. Hailed by Zwelinzima Vavi, the trade union leader, as “a peasant, a worker, an organic intellectual, a Marxist and an African communist”, the bearded Mantashe is loud, dominating and furiously partisan. He has purged suspected supporters of Thabo Mbeki, the former president, and those who show “insufficient revolutionary fervour”. Under his influence the ANC is expected to propose, in its as yet unpublished manifesto, the introduction of universal health insurance, free education, the extension of child allowances to all children up to the age of 18, new maternity grants, wage subsidies, an old age savings scheme, subsidised housing for farm workers and military veterans, free food handouts to all poor families, an expanded public housing programme and the “transformation” of the private sector through the “development of cooperative financial institutions”. Greta Steyn, one of South Africa’s leading financial analysts, describes it as “a massive shift to the left”. The markets, she says, are in denial and have failed to price in the risk of what lies ahead. What it means, she suggests, is that the country’s budgetary framework “must be thrown into the bin”. The markets, she warns, “should wake up and smell the rot”. The ANC insists that its programme is affordable but has provided no costings. Servaas van der Berg, professor of economics at Stellenbosch University, has shown that even a basic income grant of R100 (£7) a month would force up marginal income tax rates from 40% to 66%, without counting the cost of the rest of the programme. The only alternative to tax increases would be massive foreign borrowing to fund state handouts. Trevor Manuel, the government’s finance minister, warns that South Africa already has one of the world’s largest current account deficits and needs at least £15 billion a year in foreign investment just to stay afloat. Under Mbeki, president from 1999 until his resignation last year, the communists became increasingly bitter at what they regarded as their political marginalisation. However, Mbeki’s decision to ditch Zuma, his popular deputy president, in 2005, gave them a second chance. They rallied to Zuma’s defence and, buoyed by his strong Zulu support, triumphed when he became the ANC leader in 2007. Although dogged by corruption charges, which he denies, Zuma, himself a former communist, will be the ANC’s presidential candidate. He has allowed the communists to dominate the drafting process of the ANC’s new manifesto and the party’s economic programme. Mantashe continually stakes out positions some way in advance of mainstream ANC policy, coming out strongly for the creation of more state enterprises, particularly in the mining sector. When business groups asked how this could be squared with Zuma’s promise of policy continuity, Mantashe brusquely told them that “continuity and change is a dialectical concept”. They were not reassured by the Marxist terminology. Mantashe stands for the absolute supremacy of party over government. When black judges failed to find for the ANC in an important court case, he railed against them as “counter-revolutionaries” and “apartheid apologists”. He has already announced that after the election “we [the party] will sack any ministers who do not perform”. The ANC programme calls for the assertion of party control over the central bank, with its interest rates set in line with social needs rather than for the control of inflation, as in the past. Azar Jammine, the influential chief economist of the Econometrix consultancy group, warned: “The consequence could well be a huge withdrawal of money. This would mean that South Africa could be unable to finance its current account deficit, the rand would plummet, inflation would soar and it would lead to a financial crisis.” Kobus Marais, finance spokesman for the opposition Democratic Alliance, accused the ANC of “having its head in the sand” and refusing to take notice of the international economic crisis. Merely increasing child benefit to age 18 will, he said, cost an extra £3 billion. Zuma, who knows relatively little about economics, seems unconcerned. “He is determined to take radical steps,” one of his closest confidants told The Sunday Times last week. “He’s happy to do what the communists recommend if he thinks it will help the poor. “But he knows the communists have their own agenda and there could be an early showdown with Mantashe, who seems to think that he will decide which ministers should stay and which should be sacked.” ZUMA’S MANIFESTO A pledge to create 5m new jobs Family allowance of £15 a month up to age 18 Free universal health insurance No school fees for 60% that currently pay for state education Source - <a href="http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/africa/article5581272.ece">The Times </a> See also - <a class="ArticleTitle" href="http://www.theaustralian.news.com.au/story/0,25197,24961258-2703,00.html" id="article-title" target="_blank">Communists steer Zuma's ANC</a> <a href="http://www.theaustralian.news.com.au/story/0,25197,24961258-2703,00.html">The Australian </a>

Left seizes control of South Africa’s ANC

SOUTH AFRICA’S ruling African National Congress (ANC) has veered sharply to the left and will go into elections, expected to be held in Apri...

11:39 AM

South Africa: The Next Zimbabwe

<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiI66jRCLKQagLFtBTnMsz1KHTFCyBeHcz7qUzEzwzMTyfurD3HwFAJqsrXT7Z_92WaJwWAMs_yBFETPKCfv2K9Uhp7JT77AR3Qw2ATZ4Gp-OtFBT4GGlMUR2RwG-Xf2k1FdveBVU3WxtE/s1600-h/madibajesus.jpg"><img alt="" border="0" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5300036371466236882" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiI66jRCLKQagLFtBTnMsz1KHTFCyBeHcz7qUzEzwzMTyfurD3HwFAJqsrXT7Z_92WaJwWAMs_yBFETPKCfv2K9Uhp7JT77AR3Qw2ATZ4Gp-OtFBT4GGlMUR2RwG-Xf2k1FdveBVU3WxtE/s400/madibajesus.jpg" style="FLOAT: left; MARGIN: 0px 10px 10px 0px; WIDTH: 400px; CURSOR: hand; HEIGHT: 314px" /></a>Robert Morley Despite the global boom, most South Africans were left behind. Fourteen years after the end of apartheid, widespread discontent is fueling communism, and economic collapse looms. <a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjuD1vnDKnk1qQ02gmUSaj2UeQ3Hl8ACHRNjHRJxWOpKXBXlbHQ_vEaLUYpVjmxBfXbl2bZg20rPnO6847LPsYsbbk7WZm3lxkI8OFm5o0HuhmhP9KXkgzQ658-NxsZ44qlBf20VPR7L_M/s1600-h/quoteBox_sig.gif"><img alt="" border="0" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5300038244283417410" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjuD1vnDKnk1qQ02gmUSaj2UeQ3Hl8ACHRNjHRJxWOpKXBXlbHQ_vEaLUYpVjmxBfXbl2bZg20rPnO6847LPsYsbbk7WZm3lxkI8OFm5o0HuhmhP9KXkgzQ658-NxsZ44qlBf20VPR7L_M/s400/quoteBox_sig.gif" style="FLOAT: left; MARGIN: 0px 10px 10px 0px; WIDTH: 21px; CURSOR: hand; HEIGHT: 18px" /></a>Apartheid was a terrible crime against humanity. It left people with deep scars, but I can assure you poverty is worse than that,” Rev. Faleni Mzukisi of the Presbyterian Church of Africa <a class="article_text" href="http://www.africafiles.org/article.asp?ID=19177" target="_blank">said last October</a>. “Mzukisi said that whilst apartheid denied rights and privileges, poverty meant people could neither meet their human needs nor attain proper dignity …,” said Fredrick Nzwili writing for Ecumenical News International. What good are human rights if people can’t live like humans? Mzukisi asked the participants of the 2008 World Association of Christian Communication Congress. “People do not eat human rights,” he said. “They want food on the table.” Fourteen years after the end of apartheid, some people are longing to return to its relative prosperity. For millions of South Africans, the Mandela “rainbow” revolution has become a gloomy cloud. Segregation laws are no more, but conditions are much worse. An astounding 40 percent of South Africans now live beneath the poverty line. And according to the Southern African Regional Poverty Network, since the official end of apartheid, “households living in poverty have sunk deeper into poverty and the gap between rich and poor has widened.” The exact unemployment rate is contentious. Unions place it at around 40 percent, while official government statistics say it is “only” around 23 percent. Either way, it is horrendous. Unemployment in the U.S. during the Great Depression peaked at around 25 percent. And, although government ministers claim that South Africa is still growing and will avoid “recession,” conditions on the ground indicate that “official” recession has already arrived. Investment bank Barclays warns that the economy is currently contracting. Over 200,000 <a class="article_text" href="http://www.wsws.org/articles/2009/feb2009/zuma-f02.shtml" target="_blank">jobs were lost</a> during the last quarter of 2008—a very large number for a country with a population of only 44 million. The U.S. equivalent would be akin to losing 1.4 million jobs over that time frame.“The growth picture has soured radically,” <a class="article_text" href="http://www.economist.com/agenda/displaystory.cfm?story_id=12797724" target="_blank">warns absa Capital economist</a> Ian Marsberg, “we are in for a rough ride next year.” For example, <a class="article_text" href="http://www.realestateweb.co.za/realestateweb/view/realestateweb/en/page196?oid=32289&sn=Detail" target="_blank">house prices</a> fell by 4 percent last year. That may not sound like much, but since government statistics indicate inflation is running at approximately 11 percent, homes actually lost 15 percent of their value. And the real depreciation may have been even greater since governments characteristically underreport inflation numbers. That said, home prices may have much further to fall after the massive run-up experienced over the past few years. Another clear indicator that the economy is in turmoil is the auto industry. New vehicle sales were down a massive 27 percent in December. That meant that for 2008, <a class="article_text" href="http://www.weekendpost.co.za/main/2009/01/10/business/bn01_10012009.htm" target="_blank">new vehicle sales fell</a> 20.3 percent across all categories compared to the year before.The metals and mining industry is also getting pummeled. Although gold prices have remained firm and even risen over the past year, the prices of virtually every other metal—including platinum, palladium, manganese and chrome—have plummeted. Platinum, for example, has plunged from over $2,000 per ounce to around $960 per ounce. Platinum makes up more than 14 percent of all South African exports.Mining is the <a class="article_text" href="http://www.southafrica.info/business/economy/sectors/mining.htm" target="_blank">single most important</a> employment sector for the South African economy. It is also the most important source of foreign revenue. But with commodity prices plummeting, revenues have fallen, and more job losses could be coming.<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhtRiVdUk-K63r3bk4-nJ6gOOubemo-XRqN5AJjxxe5AOolK-W9wWwdaGy1iRO7s2PixVPU9cojbYaxJXsiWVN195khBn1VU2YB1S7BcmABCKKLAa2Q-0ia0U5aM7RMU3xpVPh_yBwZ8T4/s1600-h/mbeki+red+sea2%5B1%5D.jpg"><img alt="" border="0" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5300040627212521170" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhtRiVdUk-K63r3bk4-nJ6gOOubemo-XRqN5AJjxxe5AOolK-W9wWwdaGy1iRO7s2PixVPU9cojbYaxJXsiWVN195khBn1VU2YB1S7BcmABCKKLAa2Q-0ia0U5aM7RMU3xpVPh_yBwZ8T4/s400/mbeki+red+sea2%5B1%5D.jpg" style="FLOAT: left; MARGIN: 0px 10px 10px 0px; WIDTH: 381px; CURSOR: hand; HEIGHT: 400px" /></a>South Africa’s energy infrastructure is also old and decaying. Due to government corruption and lack of new investment, much of the country now suffers the same kind of <a class="article_text" href="http://blogs.reuters.com/africanews/2009/02/02/time-to-build-africa/" target="_blank">widespread power outages</a> that the rest of the continent has grown used to in the post-colonial era. Last year, the state introduced electricity rationing, with much of the mining industry and other heavy electricity users only receiving 90 to 95 percent of their power needs, after the national electrical grid <a class="article_text" href="http://uk.reuters.com/article/oilRpt/idUKLU74076620090130" target="_blank">almost collapsed</a>. Eskom, the state power company, is attempting to borrow money to upgrade the grid, but with the global credit crunch in full swing, it is having difficulty finding lenders willing to take the risk. And as things are getting darker, the cost of eating is skyrocketing. National <a class="article_text" href="http://www.witness.co.za/index.php?showcontent&global%5b_id%5d=18978" target="_blank">food price inflation</a> hit 17.1 percent in December. Coffee, tea and cocoa products registered an increase of more than 20 percent. Grain products were up 34.3 percent. Fats and cooking oils jumped 27.3 percent, while vegetables and dairy products were up between 13.4 and 16.2 percent. Meat prices climbed 8.4 percent. No jobs, and higher-priced food: It is no wonder that social breakdown continues.hiv <a class="article_text" href="http://www.southafrica.info/about/health/hivdrop-200707.htm" target="_blank">infection rates</a> remain high. About 29 percent of pregnant women visiting hospitals are infected, according to 2006 statistics. Violence runs unchecked throughout much of the country. It was estimated, according to 2006 figures, that a woman is raped in South Africa once every 26 seconds. During that year, <a class="article_text" href="http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/4713172.stm" target="_blank">less than 1 percent</a> of rapes led to a conviction. Murderers run free too. About 19,000 people were murdered last year—more than 50 per day. Rule of law has become the rule of organized crime. Just yesterday, 500 police in South Africa’s crime-ridden commercial capital, Johannesburg, went on strike, accusing authorities of failing to bring senior officers to task over corruption. Last Friday, the government disbanded the country’s elite anti-crime investigating unit, known as the Scorpions. Why, especially when the Scorpions had a much better track record than the police at solving crime? <a class="article_text" href="http://www.google.com/hostednews/ap/article/ALeqM5g-oZpA2uubWaHG8Bcl0XGg3qRUMwD961MD2G1" target="_blank">According to Agence France Presse</a>, it was because they fell afoul of the ruling African National Congress party for their corruption investigation of anc leader Jacob Zuma. Zuma is expected to become the country’s next president when elections are held, probably in April. But as bad as conditions are in South Africa, they may be about to get dramatically worse. South Africa’s government has shifted radically to the left, according to the <a class="article_text" href="http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/africa/article5581272.ece#cid=OTC-RSS&attr=797093" target="_blank">Sunday </a><a class="article_text" href="http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/africa/article5581272.ece#cid=OTC-RSS&attr=797093" target="_blank">Times</a>. In a move to placate angry voters and cement power, the ruling anc party’s Jacob Zuma is pushing a manifesto largely dictated by the country’s Communist party. Zuma’s election promises, if adopted, could easily bankrupt the country. The anc already promises a free allowance of water and electricity to all people and has introduced “the largest welfare state ever seen in a developing country,” according to the Times. More than 40 percent of the population currently receive state handouts. But the state handouts are only beginning.<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjrL3Vrx6KNA5m3v2HvnXp6FVIzxCPYBlx0mxijwRbD4Bc5ukB_ucp-f-dW9lnwBE9JuzlRkNasU1aCwjePEbWm-Wmb-dwOoMWE8T5CaRuHJo7L-DneY0fgs8wWJQkMCTp0idEKjdhiMUM/s1600-h/zumamoses.jpg"><img alt="" border="0" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5300037047858739890" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjrL3Vrx6KNA5m3v2HvnXp6FVIzxCPYBlx0mxijwRbD4Bc5ukB_ucp-f-dW9lnwBE9JuzlRkNasU1aCwjePEbWm-Wmb-dwOoMWE8T5CaRuHJo7L-DneY0fgs8wWJQkMCTp0idEKjdhiMUM/s400/zumamoses.jpg" style="FLOAT: right; MARGIN: 0px 0px 10px 10px; WIDTH: 295px; CURSOR: hand; HEIGHT: 340px" /></a> The possibly soon-to-be-published new state manifesto is said to call for universal health insurance, free education, increased child allowances, new maternity grants, wage subsidies, an old age savings scheme, subsidized housing for farm workers and military veterans, and free food handouts to all poor families. But perhaps the bigger shock is the manifesto’s proposal to transform “the private sector through the development of cooperative financial institutions.” In other words, nationalize and communize the economy. Zuma’s program also calls for the state to take over the South African central bank. Economists are astounded. Greta Steyn, a leading South African financial analyst, says that the markets are being set up for a massive crash and are “in denial.” Servaas van der Berg, professor of economics at Stellenbosch University, said that just the proposal for a basic income grant of R100 (us$10) would force up marginal income tax rates from 40 percent to 66 percent. So where will South Africa get the money to finance all these reforms? Jacob Zuma, whom the Times describes as knowing relatively little about economics, seems unconcerned. But here is a hint: Zuma will get the money he needs the same way his pal Robert Mugabe gets the money he needs. Lest we forget, Zimbabwe used to be even more prosperous than South Africa was at its peak. But then Robert Mugabe set off on his post-colonial reforms, his social programs, his government handouts, and the land grabs. And how did Mugabe pay for it all? First, he redistributed the land in order to fill his coffers and buy favors. When that wasn’t enough, he started nationalizing other sectors of the economy, including some of the world’s richest mines. But that wasn’t enough either. So eventually, he was forced to nationalize and assert complete control over the nation’s reserve bank—that way he could print whatever money he wanted to pay the bills. Unfortunately, that destroyed the value of Zimbabwe’s currency—completely wiping out what little savings his people had left. But Mugabe and his cronies got filthy rich in the process, moving assets offshore, or converting their devaluing dollars into gold or other currencies. The anc’s supposed desire to nationalize South Africa’s central bank should be a clear indicator of what is headed in South Africa’s direction: Zimbabwe economics. And that means a Zimbabwe standard of living for the vast majority. Things are about to get much tougher in South Africa. Africa’s modern history is a continent filled with nation-states in various stages of post-colonial collapse. South Africa was a notable exception to this rule for several decades after becoming an independent republic. But now, that is changing—and rapidly. February 3, 2009 From <a href="http://www.thetrumpet.com/">www.theTrumpet.com</a>

South Africa: The Next Zimbabwe

Robert Morley Despite the global boom, most South Africans were left behind. Fourteen years after the end of apartheid, widespread disconte...

4:41 AM

SACP moans that no Eastern-aligned communists were appointed to Motlanthe's cabinet

<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjHyIVBp7vVNAlmP4yvz_5iFgzW-Gi-r9kuuT9EYzY0_QSEdF0rIaygxUPqKulML-U3QKmozK72A0eClcZYWXsUWKQ706Vi2WQtTWnghvsquBVN3aJ1FluQk43ATRt9lCUlR0Pg0eL8tSE/s1600-h/SACP.jpg"><img alt="" border="0" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5253033955859208098" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjHyIVBp7vVNAlmP4yvz_5iFgzW-Gi-r9kuuT9EYzY0_QSEdF0rIaygxUPqKulML-U3QKmozK72A0eClcZYWXsUWKQ706Vi2WQtTWnghvsquBVN3aJ1FluQk43ATRt9lCUlR0Pg0eL8tSE/s400/SACP.jpg" style="FLOAT: left; MARGIN: 0px 10px 10px 0px; CURSOR: hand" /></a> <a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEixq5C1FMVjz6AKJnn4QAIVbxiQ2jzMk6xigGCx6V9B1AXaHTDiHoGg_KMtRVt4Ym1Y9IFi2LlVuDYivzYrZIc7Lp2hdq0gpjTtUyjTbZn11coSGBzwcBP8PQBlouptrZ6Gt0GMFCAwA_U/s1600-h/communism.gif"><img alt="" border="0" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5253029816779852242" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEixq5C1FMVjz6AKJnn4QAIVbxiQ2jzMk6xigGCx6V9B1AXaHTDiHoGg_KMtRVt4Ym1Y9IFi2LlVuDYivzYrZIc7Lp2hdq0gpjTtUyjTbZn11coSGBzwcBP8PQBlouptrZ6Gt0GMFCAwA_U/s400/communism.gif" style="FLOAT: left; MARGIN: 0px 10px 10px 0px; CURSOR: hand" /></a> The complete absence of left-wing leaders in President Kgalema Motlanthe’s Cabinet has heightened fears among ANC president Jacob Zuma’s left-wing supporters that they are being marginalised. Delegates to the South African Communist Party’s policy conference last week challenged the leadership on the absence of communists in President Kgalema Motlanthe’s inaugural Cabinet. Delegates who attended the conference quizzed their leadership on why Motlanthe “ignored the communists”. In addition the economic summit of the tripartite alliance, scheduled for this weekend, has been cancelled which the left believes is as an important vehicle for influencing government policy. Instead, a meeting of the alliance leaders will be held at which the appointment of the deputy ministers in vacant portfolios -- finance, foreign affairs and correctional services -- will be discussed. At the SACP’s policy conference delegates complained that the party was not consulted about the appointment of the new Cabinet members, after one communist leader conceded that the appointments took place “without a great deal of consultation”. Delegates said long-serving communists in government and the National Assembly, such as Trade and Industry Deputy Minister Rob Davies and parliamentary transport committee chairperson Jeremy Cronin, could have been considered for Cabinet jobs. Parliamentary justice committee chairperson Yunus Carrim was seen as a possible candidate for the post of justice minister vacated by Brigitte Mabandla. Mabandla was shifted to the public enterprises ministry, which the communists want to scrap.

SACP moans that no Eastern-aligned communists were appointed to Motlanthe's cabinet

The complete absence of left-wing leaders in President Kgalema Motlanthe’s Cabinet has heightened fears among ANC president Jacob Zuma’s l...

1:30 PM

Communist SACP demands power

<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg_Yx_EhA6EMgG7HMAudBSuOOy2bowEVlKryh-UYmRYiklLpPkBGIOH9TxVqpkfkGhB7P-nCwcfCKIy0kVJCsjSah3WZ3l65q-CSHeaIjzwZX87VU1YNBZhgdebPm9dfTeq0X4SNf9buAw/s1600-h/South_African_Communist_Party_logo.png"><img alt="" border="0" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5251463503489691794" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg_Yx_EhA6EMgG7HMAudBSuOOy2bowEVlKryh-UYmRYiklLpPkBGIOH9TxVqpkfkGhB7P-nCwcfCKIy0kVJCsjSah3WZ3l65q-CSHeaIjzwZX87VU1YNBZhgdebPm9dfTeq0X4SNf9buAw/s400/South_African_Communist_Party_logo.png" style="FLOAT: left; MARGIN: 0px 10px 10px 0px; CURSOR: hand" /></a>The SACP has demanded to be consulted as a full partner of the tripartite alliance instead of ANC decisions being imposed on it. The SACP also wants to see more of its members deployed in legislatures in a "reconfigured" alliance after 2009's elections. SACP Secretary-General Blade Nzimande said the party was dissatisfied with the manner in which the alliance has been working. The issue was the main discussion at the party's policy conference, which ended in Johannesburg on Sunday. He said the issue would also be brought up this weekend at the Alliance Summit, which the SACP wants regarded as the "political centre". Nzimande said the SACP wanted its own deployment committee, which would ensure that the deployment of communists in government was not left solely to the ANC. "(Reconfiguration) includes, but is not limited to, the forging of the alliance as a strategic political centre. Further to that, we are calling for the establishment of an alliance political council made up of the national office- bearers of the alliance, to oversee broad political issues, governance and deployment issues and joint mass mobilisation. "It also includes the common alliance deployment strategy because we've had a problem in the past that we all go into an election campaign, but deployment remains solely a matter for the African National Congress. "The alliance is not a bargaining chamber and we are not going to say we want this or we will walk away. We believe that in what is the post-Polokwane period, we hope we are going to listen to each other,"said Nzimande. The SACP wants a "delegated" contingent of elected SACP representatives, who will be directly accountable to the party, to represent "working class interests" in provincial legislatures. "We need our own SACP deployment and accountability committee as well to look at how and where to deploy those communists and how those communists account to the SACP, which is something that is very important to us. "We'd really like to see an inclusive style of operation in the alliance. "We don't want to impose things and we don't want the ANC to impose things on us. This alliance has survived on a particular style of inclusive consultation leadership, and we'd like to be heard because this has been rudely interrupted in the last 10 years leading up to Polokwane", Nzimande said. The party on Sunday put its weight behind the ANC's election campaign and warned against a "breakaway" party which has been mooted in the wake of Thabo Mbeki's axing from government by the ANC. "We hope that whoever is considering this, they don't go there. "All those who've tried to split away from the ANC are practically dead, the PAC and the UDM."

Communist SACP demands power

The SACP has demanded to be consulted as a full partner of the tripartite alliance instead of ANC decisions being imposed on it. The SACP al...

8:12 AM

The communist-dominated "New ANC"

<div align="center">Is the S.African Communist Party behind the ANC split & the firing of President Mbeki?</div><div align="center"> </div><img alt="" border="0" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5251161860213877538" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhnGO-nLGQ4B7as6iLvxHGrcfDm32bpOQtXjn_w4tv89RioMFk2QFiioQvH1ap_d_aUJ9BlNfqsrWaM8BbsedZ1PvBv2WVGhTpo2G_WovFAYAf3KL2Wl9zVUgRctDF8lXZwbCVO-LrKtPU/s400/Communists_In_ANC_Talking_With_The_ANC_1.jpg" style="DISPLAY: block; MARGIN: 0px auto 10px; CURSOR: hand; TEXT-ALIGN: center" /> <img alt="" border="0" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5251162163507502850" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg8bOxVi1w-hAWq8CsM3Tm4xmba4tWr5FPfGhdh4-_ft3nrH3NDqUXoVeCyKaIHxIrDI8gNN66l84-5ayFXKhyphenhyphen9r22BgvP56vDk0ZC2h_yhIRWHF7H_4Xj7nU1T72gTb1jkWu_T1uMcfbs/s400/Communists_In_ANC_Talking_With_The_ANC_2.jpg" style="DISPLAY: block; MARGIN: 0px auto 10px; CURSOR: hand; TEXT-ALIGN: center" /> <img alt="" border="0" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5251162713394251490" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiW5uo4CZOgxj4pk-2E-WEkocaZR3O6jHH1IsSitjh9RJNBGJttOS2l5zj0dgq0VyyO9HxWOUpWKAh7VoQsOdLb8ti2X9Q_gCJxTpxUbpMUqFlJTZZYRPNlcoJEsDwqELL9pjJVqEpfxNg/s400/Communists_In_ANC_Talking_With_The_ANC_3.jpg" style="DISPLAY: block; MARGIN: 0px auto 10px; CURSOR: hand; TEXT-ALIGN: center" />Below the list of communists in the top hierarchy of South African Government, the 30 highest ranking members of the ANC. Marked in red, are card carrying or previously were, card carrying members of the SACP. Compiled in 1985, when Mandela was still in jail and Oliver Tambo ran the ANC. Thabo Mbeki, was rated #4 in rank, and is marked as being a communist. Aziz Pahah (a Muslim), Pallo Jordan and Joe Modise still currently hold Ministerial positions in the Government. Some like Joe Slovo and Chris Hani died in the interim. <img alt="" border="0" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5251165254874777890" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg_JSukLPwARDiHiILg3dKZg5hwINK5o1TOMf2ICEL8msODEh5s_irzzoX_D5_JL8_1y4qIPY8DOumpusE7OczYbx3nlHgB85Wv4rKPZIOEFYfCywUoyLpO4UPcUXxsg0UcEpXzLQXlXK8/s400/Communists_In_ANC_Talking_With_The_ANC_4.jpg" style="DISPLAY: block; MARGIN: 0px auto 10px; CURSOR: hand; TEXT-ALIGN: center" /> Could this be the 'Two Phase Revolution' described below, which also took place in Vietnam and other countries? Is this the phase, when we become like Cuba/Zimbabwe...? <img alt="" border="0" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5251169607224250018" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjVpY6sEYUWPtWVQpLaB2wIZg8-FwMK1gc7Gj5Cn_hZWQw8AIioi4_QdtUt0eX_KP45a_Q-N-pbTtkghEzSwEXCrakpzFnc2S7loRDtZNHyhLEIQoAgjRJPEl3RRxCrFgtWq_aNkv1upI8/s400/Communists_In_ANC_Talking_With_The_ANC_5.jpg" style="DISPLAY: block; MARGIN: 0px auto 10px; CURSOR: hand; TEXT-ALIGN: center" />Below the 'Two Phase Revolution'. First get political power and then destroy capitalism (i.e. business). <img alt="" border="0" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5251169613637524018" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgxP0r05uOdxWIqfqWVzWOZA2FQGENCOMkxKS3Cv1dXLFLMkHPKd9JKcOqEPh2qT1fDXy1ChJsxfEgTnF8zIHxgoguuyHTRPuDnQxin7FMngtMQnEFXL5gyAKrJB03KCD_TvxLwCzu-8EI/s400/Communists_In_ANC_Talking_With_The_ANC_6.jpg" style="DISPLAY: block; MARGIN: 0px auto 10px; CURSOR: hand; TEXT-ALIGN: center" /><img alt="" border="0" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5251170441566971186" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEggeZ3Ra9o8RwlLF_0wscCe3qAprGz2pIImtK4D2DSnI72eGoFi-oQBL56FNRpy5-VQOIbEKacXqgJ7ZaJpD8zgvKBTOIquXbH41GpFLGCMiYc31NIlUfU3x-vw5PZ6eOUUbZcJcO-HqV8/s400/Communists_In_ANC_Talking_With_The_ANC_7.jpg" style="DISPLAY: block; MARGIN: 0px auto 10px; CURSOR: hand; TEXT-ALIGN: center" />ANC and SACP publications showing their adherence and belief in communism.<img alt="" border="0" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5251170845651511186" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj7G1gPydD40ENt1sLtOAgFei8vz_t98ozQgp20SQeIN9_zLNtuJq2amA17w6ZR3AeMVmJI-gC1_9QegM0JX_mSbdjmk1VmQu3G8bGBD-Fahr91sVenU1yYRSf0XszU70fhrjsR6tClAZs/s400/Communists_In_ANC_Talking_With_The_ANC_8.jpg" style="DISPLAY: block; MARGIN: 0px auto 10px; CURSOR: hand; TEXT-ALIGN: center" /><img alt="" border="0" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5251170853101802594" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiJH1rejqyhL3ANs_oYrrYTUDADwl9HNO5k6ZB5bcD0UhpEstTxvTHFcSsdRfdnFpxXhHYxSeSr3hezaT0e5HP2eDtFn7e0STIp95u0D3rNtR7UJPreVfe3gG1LITLu3Hr30dV6EsyVeS0/s400/Communists_In_ANC_Talking_With_The_ANC_9.jpg" style="DISPLAY: block; MARGIN: 0px auto 10px; CURSOR: hand; TEXT-ALIGN: center" />Source <a href="http://www.africancrisis.co.za/Article.php?ID=35240&">Very Important: The S.African Communist Party is behind the ANC split & the firing of President Mbeki</a>

The communist-dominated "New ANC"

Is the S.African Communist Party behind the ANC split & the firing of President Mbeki? Below the list of communists in the top hierarch...

12:42 PM

He drove Mbeki's ouster, he has threatened Zuma with a similar fate, now ANC tells Malema to shut up

<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjpi17Mv6Iim2IOd6OEvduUWEuIkenCBXmMqm9NqNKSzo_QoYEshvo9iVRfKd635I24ulG-rn70A6I4ZoaO5wVJejI02Lya1ztNMdc0jMmvv2rs4LHUMV_s3wNcTgeRimTyQWV8XcE2jrA/s1600-h/malema-ancyl.jpg"><img alt="" border="0" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5249197245744827810" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjpi17Mv6Iim2IOd6OEvduUWEuIkenCBXmMqm9NqNKSzo_QoYEshvo9iVRfKd635I24ulG-rn70A6I4ZoaO5wVJejI02Lya1ztNMdc0jMmvv2rs4LHUMV_s3wNcTgeRimTyQWV8XcE2jrA/s400/malema-ancyl.jpg" style="FLOAT: left; MARGIN: 0px 10px 10px 0px; CURSOR: hand" /></a>Firebrand Julius Malema was very vociferous in the runup to the Polokwane conference when Zuma was elected president of the ANC. He subsequently was the driving force in the ouster of Thabo Mbeki. He has even threatened to have Zuma removed should he not toe the line Cosatu, the SACP and the ANC Youth League are laying down. The ANC has now belatedy told Malema to shut up. Watch your mouth, ANC tells Malema Party bosses put leash on youth leader THE ANC has finally told Julius Malema, the president of its youth wing, to tone down his rhetoric. Malema, who shot to public prominence by making controversial statements, was told to watch his mouth at a meeting of the ruling party’s national executive committee at the weekend. The party leadership is said to be concerned that Malema’s reckless talk might cost the ANC votes in next year’s general election. Yesterday, Malema was among the ANC leaders who attended a press conference at which party president Jacob Zuma spoke. But it was evident that the committee had put a leash on Malema — he was not given an opportunity to speak. During the press briefing, ANC treasurer-general Mathews Phosa was seen restraining the firebrand youth leader from responding to a question put to Zuma. Party officials later told The Times that the national executive committee had reined in Malema, who was not happy with the decision. Zuma was expected to meet Malema late yesterday to discuss the matter. When The Times asked Malema if he had been gagged, he refused to comment, saying he would brief the media today. “Come to the press conference and you can ask that question,” he said. Since taking office at the Youth League’s rowdy conference in April, Malema has been Zuma’s most vocal backer. He also led the charge for President Thabo Mbeki’s removal from office. Malema’s controversial statement that the league was prepared to “take up arms” and “kill for Zuma” caused so much outrage that he was hauled before the Human Rights Commission and asked to apologise for his inflammatory remarks. He took his fight to the Constitutional Court, accusing judges of “taking decisions in beer halls”. When ANC deputy president Kgalema Motlanthe came out in defence of the independence of the judiciary, the Youth League responded by publicly attacking him. Though Malema and Motlanthe later agreed not to attack each other publicly, the young firebrand was at it again during the league’s 64th anniversary celebrations earlier this month. Malema said then: “We respect the judiciary, but that doesn’t mean we can’t criticise drunk judges. “When they decide to say something at their public lectures, we will respond. And even if [Motlanthe] intervenes, we would have had our say.” Earlier this month, shortly before Zuma’s last court appearance in Pietermaritzburg, Malema warned that the league would not let Zuma go to jail without a fight. “Any force that tries to block our way, we will eliminate. We are on a mission here. We will crush you. It doesn’t matter who you are … even if you are in the ANC,” Malema said.

He drove Mbeki's ouster, he has threatened Zuma with a similar fate, now ANC tells Malema to shut up

Firebrand Julius Malema was very vociferous in the runup to the Polokwane conference when Zuma was elected president of the ANC. He subseque...

5:29 AM

South Africa P.I.G.